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^Va a\- *Wa, 



















































































THE 


NARRATIVE OF ROBERT ADAMS, 

4 » * ' 


A SAILOR, 


WHO WAS WRECKED ON THE WESTERN COAST OF 

AFRICA, 

IN THE YEAR 1810 , 

WAS DETAINED THREE YEARS IN SLAVERY BY 

THE ARABS OF THE GREAT DESERT, 

AND RESIDED SEVERAL MONTHS IN THE CITY OF 

TOMBUCTOO. 


WITH 

A MAP, NOTES, AND AN APPENDIX. 


LONDON: 


PRINTED FOR JOHN MURRAY, ALBFMARLE-STREET, 
BY WILLIAM BULMER AND CO. CLEYELAND-ROW. 

1816. 













\ 




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i 


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1 


r 



































TO THE 


COMMITTEE OF THE COMPANY OF MERCHANTS 
TRADING TO AFRICA. 


Gentlemen, 

I beg leave lo present to you the Narrative 
of the Sailor, Robert Adams, in the form which I conceive 
will be most interesting to you and to the public, and most useful 
to the poor man himself, for whose benefit it has been committed 
to the press. 


I have the honour to be, 

Gentlemen, 

your faithful and obedient Servant, 

S. COCK. 


African Office , April 30 th, 1816 , 




;» sit or 












• ,->h: M 


CONTENTS. 


Introductory Details respecting Adams. —Discovered in London.—ex¬ 
amined by the African Committee respecting his travels in Africa.—his 
answers satisfactory.—Notes of his story laid before the African Committee, 
—their belief in its truth.—Mode of interrogating Adams,—his method of 
reckoning bearings, distances, and rate of travelling, through the Desert.— 
Examined by several Members of the Government,—receives a Gratuity 
from the Lords of the Treasury.— Sir Willoughby Gordon’s opinion of his 
statements, - - - - - - page xi-xx. 

Reasons for publishing the following Narrative.—Departure of Adams for 
America. — Arrival in England of Mr. Dupuis, British Vice-Consul at 
Mogadore,—his confirmation of the whole of Adams’s story in a Letter to 
the Editor, with other interesting particulars relating to him on his arrival 
and during his stay at Mogadore, p. xx.-xxviii. 

Advertisement to the Map. —Explanations respecting the data on which 
the Map is constructed.—Information on the route, and nature of the country, 
between Haoussa and Lagos on the Coast of the Bight of Benin—probability 
of Europeans being able to penetrate from Lagos in the direction of the 
Niger • p. xxxiii.-xxxix. 


NARRATIVE. 

CHAPTER I. 

Departure from New York on board the “ Charles.”—Names of the Crew.— 
Arrival at Gibraltar.— Voyage to the Isle of Mayo—ignorance of the Cap¬ 
tain—the Ship is wrecked on the Western coast of Africa—the Crew saved, 
but are enslaved by the Moors.—El Gazie.—Description of the Moors, and 
their proceedings.—French Renegade.—Sufferings of the Crew.—Death of 
Captain Horton.—Separation of the Crew, and departure of the Moors from 
El Gazie.—Adams is conveyed eastward into the Desert—mode of travelling 
—arrival at the encampment of the Moors_'Employment there.—Expedition 





CONTENTS. 


to steal Negro slaves at Soudenny.—Sufferings in traversing the Desert.— 
Arrival near Soudenny.—The Moors seize a Woman and two Children— 
are themselves surprised by the Negroes ; taken prisoners ; and confined in 
the town.—Soudenny, and its inhabitants.—The prisoners are conveyed by 
a party of armed Negroes to Tombuctoo. —Journey thither; during which 
fourteen of the Moors are put to death.—Arrival at Tombuctoo. p. 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Imprisonment of the Moors at Tombuctoo—Adams an object of curiosity, and 
kindly treated.—King and Queen; Woollo and Fatima.—Their Dress, Cere¬ 
monies, Residence, and Attendants. — Muskets. — Curiosity of the natives to 
see Adams.—Tombuctoo—La Mar Zarah—Canoes—Fish—Fruits—Vege¬ 
tables— Grain.—Food prepared from the Guinea-corn—Animals.—Heirie— 
Elephant-hunt.—Birds: Ostriches.—Sulphur—Poisonous preparation of the 
Negroes for their Arrows.—Persons and Habits of the Negroes—Incisions in 
their Faces—Dress—Ornaments—and Customs—Musical Instruments— 
Dancing—Military Excursions against Bambarra—Slaves—Criminal Punish¬ 
ments—Articles of Trade—Jealous precautions of the Negroes against the 
Moors ; their kindness to Adams.—Rain.—Names of Countries —Words in 
the Language of Tombuctoo. - - p. 21 

CHAPTER III. 

Ransom of the imprisoned Moors and of Adams.—Departure from Tombuctoo. 
—Journey eastward along the River ; then northward to Taudeny—Traders 
in salt.—Taudeny—mixed Population of Moors and Negroes—Beds of Rock 
Salt—Preparations and Departure to cross the Sandy Desert.—Sufferings in 
the Desert.—Arrival at Woled D’leim—employment, and long detention 
there.—Refusal of Adams to attend to his tasks—He is punished for it; but 
perseveres—seizes an opportunity of escaping—is pursued; but reaches El 
Kabla—He is purchased by the Chief—Employed to tend the flocks of his 
Master s Wives—Negotiates with Aisha, the younger wife, on the subject of 
Wages—their bargain, and its consequences—Adams flies and conceals him¬ 
self—is purchased by a Trader; and conveyed to Woled Aboussebah— 
—Woled Adrialla —Aiata Mouessa Ali.—Fie attempts to escape—is retaken ; 
and conveyed to Wed-Noon, - - - - p. 47 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER IV. 

Description of Wed-Noon—where Adams finds three of the crew of the 
“ Charles:”-— He is purchased by Bel-Cossim-Abdallah.—French Renegade. 
—Wreck of the Montezuma.—Gunpowder Manufacture.—Curious Relation 
of a Negro Slave from Kanno.—Severe labours and cruel treatment of the 
Christian Slaves at Wed-Noon.—Adams is required to plough on the Sabbath 
day; refuses ; is cruelly beaten, and put in irons—his firmness ;—Inhuman 
treatment and death of Dolbie.—Williams and Davison, worn out by their 
sufferings, renounce their Religion—Adams perseveres.—Letter from the 
British Vice-Consul at Mogadore, addressed to the Christian Slaves.—Ransom 
of Adams—Departure from Wed-Noon—Akkadia—Bled Cidi Heshem — 
Market of Cidi Hamet a Moussa—Agadeer, or Santa Cruz—Mogadore.— 
Adams is sent to the Moorish Emperor.—Fez—Mequinez—Tangier—Cadiz 
— Gibraltar—London. - - - - p. 6’7 

Concluding Remarks, - - - - p. 158 


Notes and Illustrations. El Gazie.™ Shipwrecks.—French Renegade.— 
Agadeer Doma.—Soudenny.—Woollo and Fatima.—Dress of the inhabi¬ 
tants of Tombuctoo, Houses, &c.—La Mar Zarah.—Canoes.—Fruits.— 
Quadrupeds.—Heiries.—Elephant hunting.—Alligators.— Courcoo.—Wild 
Beasts.—Birds.—Poisons.—- Polygamy.—Religion. — Physicians.— Sorcery. 
—Dancing.—Bambarra.—Slaves.— Punishments.—Shops and Trade at Tom¬ 
buctoo.—Cowries.—Moors.— Negroes.—Crossing the Desert.—Joliba river. 
—Negro Language.—Taudenny.—Woled D’leim.—El Kabla.—Aisha.— 
Woled Aboussebah.—Kanno.—Christian Slaves.—Reckonings of Time and 
Distance, - - - - p. 85-157 

Appendix, No. I. Information obtained in the year 1761, respecting Tom¬ 
buctoo, and the course and navigation of the Niger.—Park.—Major Rennell. 
—Sources of the Senegal and Gambia,—Remarks on the rivers passed by 
Park.—Kong mountains.—Expediency of exploring the furthest western 
navigation of the Niger, - - - - p. 195-210 

Appendix, No. II. Sketch of the Population of Western Barbary.—Berrebbers 
—Arabs—Moors.—Distinguishing occupations. - - p.211-225 

Index, - -- -- p. 227 



ERRATA. 


page xxxvii, in the Note, for Yadoos, read Ay os 

- 49, line 4 from the bottom, dele not. 

-— 103, line 4, for The former is, read Both are 

- 104, line 6 from the bottom, for milia, read millia. 

-143, line 12, for the day after, read the day but one after. 

- ibid, for Renagades read Renegades. 


N. B. In quoting Major Rennell’s authority for the distance between Haoussa 
and Kashna, (see p. 142, lines 5 and 6), the writer referred to the Map accompa¬ 
nying the first edition of the Geographical Illustrations of Park’s First Mission. In 
a later edition of the Map the estimated distance between the two countries has 
been shortened. This, however, only furnishes an additional instance of the varying 
statements of African authorities, without affecting the general scope of the 
observations in Note 51; since, whatever be the precise distance between the 
frontiers of Haoussa and those of Kashna, the general result of all the statements 
on the subject leave no reason to doubt that the latter lie considerably further to 
the eastward than the former, and consequently, in the same degree, more remote 
from Sansanding. 








INTRODUCTORY DETAILS 

RESPECTING 


ROBERT ADAMS. 


b 













INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


In the month of October, 1815, the Editor of the following 
pages was informed by a friend, that a Gentleman of his 
acquaintance, recently arrived from Cadiz, had accidentally 
recognised an American seaman, in the streets of London, 
whom he had seen, only a few months before, in the service 
of an English merchant in Cadiz, where his extraordinary 
history had excited considerable interest; the man having 
been a long time in slavery in the interior of Africa, and having 
resided several months at Tombuctoo. 

Such a report was too curious not to have attracted the 
peculiar attention of the Editor at all times ; but the interest 
of the story was much heightened at that particular moment, 
by the circumstance of the recent embarkation of Major 
Peddie and his companions, to explore those very parts of 
Africa which this person was said to have visited: and 
the Editor entreated his friend to assist him by all the 
means in his power, to find the seaman in question, in 




INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xii 

order to ascertain whether he really had been where it was 
reported, and in the hope that, either by his information or 
his personal services, the man might be rendered useful to 
the views of Government in the exploratory expedition then 
on its way to Africa. 

Through the intervention of the Gentleman who had 
originally recognized the seaman, he was again found, and 
immediately brought to the office of the African Committee. 
The poor man, whose name was Robert Adams , was in very 
ill plight both from hunger and nakedness. Scarcely re¬ 
covered from a fit of sickness, he had, in that condition, 
begged his way from Holyhead to London, for the purpose 
of obtaining through the American Consul, a passage to hi s 
native country; and he had already passed several nights 
in the open streets amongst many other distressed seamen, 
with whom the metropolis was at that period unfortunately 
crowded. 

No time was lost in questioning him respecting the 
length of his residence in Africa, the circumstances which 
led him thither, the places he had visited, and the means by 
which he had escaped. His answers disclosed so extraor¬ 
dinary a series of adventures and sufferings, as at first to 
excite a suspicion that his story was an invention; and the 
gentlemen by whom he was accompanied to the office, and 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xiii 

who were present at his first examination, were decidedly of 
that opinion, when they considered how widely his account 
of Tombuctoo differed from the notions generally enter¬ 
tained of the magnificence of that city, and of the civiliza¬ 
tion of its inhabitants. The Editor, however, received from 
this short examination, and from the plain and unpretending 
answers which the man returned to every question, a strong 
impression in favour of his veracity. He accordingly took 
notes of the leading facts of his statement, particularly of 
the places he had visited, the distances according to his 
computations, and the direction in which his several journeys 
lay; and having relieved his immediate necessities, and 
furnished him with a trifle for his future subsistence, he 
desired the man to attend him again in the course of a few 
days. 

It was nearly a week before Adams again made his 
appearance: but upon his return, being immediately in¬ 
terrogated upon all the leading points of his story, the 
Editor had the gratification to find, upon comparing his 
answers with the account which he had given on his first 
examination, that they were in substance the same, and 
repeated almost in the same terms. Thus strengthened in 
his previous opinion that the man's veracity was to be 
depended upon, the Editor resolved to take down in 


XIV 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


writing (the man himself being unable either to write or 
read) a full account of his travels and adventures, from 
the period of his departure from America in the ship 
“ Charles ** in which he was wrecked on the coast of 
Africa, until that of his return to Cadiz, from whence he 
had just arrived. 

With this intention, the Editor took measures to render 
Adams's situation more comfortable, by equipping him 
with decent clothes, of which he stood peculiarly in need. 
He was also supplied with a trifle in money, as an earnest 
of the future recompense which was promised to him, pro¬ 
vided he would attend regularly every day until the whole 
of his story should be taken down. It was not, however, 
without considerable difficulty that the man could be 
persuaded to remain during the period thus required. He 
was anxious to return to his friends after so long and perilous 
an absence, and had been recommended by the Consul of 
the United States to join a transport of American seamen 
which was then on the point of sailing. His desire to be 
gone was increased by some rumours then in circulation, of 
a probable renewal of hostilities between Great Britain and 
the United States. But his objections were at length over¬ 
come on receiving an engagement, that even if war should 
break out, and he, by any accident, be impressed, his 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xv 


discharge, either by purchase or substitute, should be imme¬ 
diately effected. Upon this understanding, he consented 
to remain as long as his presence should be required. 

The Editor has been induced to enter into this detail 
for the satisfaction of those who might be disposed to be¬ 
lieve that Adams had obtruded his story upon his hearers, 
for the purpose either of exciting their compassion, or of 
profiting by their credulity. To obviate such a suspicion, 
it is sufficient to shew with what difficulty he was induced 
to remain in the country to tell his story; and to state, that 
he was never known to solicit relief from any of the nu¬ 
merous gentlemen by whom he was seen and examined. 

Previous, however, to Adams's agreement to stay, a 
Committee of the African Company having met, the Editor 
laid before them the notes he had taken of the heads of his 
story, expressing at the same time his firm belief that the 
man had really been at Tombuctoo; and he had the satis¬ 
faction to find that the Members of the Committee con¬ 
curred in his opinion of the credibility of the man's state¬ 
ments ; in which belief they were afterwards confirmed 
by their personal examination of him. They strongly 
encouraged the Editor to proceed in the course which he 
had begun ; and recommended him to omit no practicable 
means of securing the residence of Adams in this county, 


XVI 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


until all the information he could possibly give, had been 
obtained from him,—whether for the purpose of increasing 
our general knowledge of the interior of Africa, or of 
obtaining information on particular points which might be 
useful to the expedition actually on foot. 

After this arrangement was completed, Adams attended 
the Editor for a few hours daily during the following fort¬ 
night or three weeks, for the purpose of answering his 
inquiries. During these examinations upwards of fifty 
gentlemen saw and interrogated him at different times; 
among whom there was not one who was not struck with 
the artlessness and good sense of Adams's replies, or who 
did not feel persuaded that he was relating simply the 
facts which he had seen, to the best of his recollection and 
belief. 

The Narrative now presented to the public is the fruit of 
these interrogatories. 

It is proper to mention in this place, that all the informa¬ 
tion contained in the Narrative was drawn from Adams, 
not as a continuous and strait-forward story, but in answer 
to the detached, and often unconnected, questions of the 
Editor, or of any gentlemen who happened to be present at 
his examinations; for he related scarcely any thing without 
his attention being directed to the subject by a special 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xvu 


inquiry. This explanation will be necessary, to account for 
the very large portion of his Narrative devoted to the 
description of Tombuctoo; for it might otherwise appear 
extraordinary to some of Adams's readers, that his details 
respecting a place which occurs so early in his adventures, 
and of which his recollection might be presumed to be 
less vivid, should be so much more minute than those 
respecting any other place which he has visited: but the 
fact is, that Tombuctoo being the point to which the curi¬ 
osity and inquiries of all his examiners were mainly directed, 
his answers on that subject were thus swelled to the pro¬ 
minence which they possess in the Narrative. 

It has already been stated, that the first inquiries of the 
Editor related to the places which Adams had visited, and 
the courses and distances pf the journeys between them. 
Having obtained these particulars, he communicated them 
to a friend, who was desirous of examining their pretensions 
to accuracy by tracing them upon a map of Africa, from 
the point where Adams appears to have been wrecked. 
The result of this test, as may be seen in the Map prefixed 
to the Narrative, at the same time that it afforded a most 
convincing corroboration of the truth of his story, proved 
that the man possessed an accuracy of observation and 
memory that was quite astonishing. 


c 


xviii 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


Being questioned how he came to have so minute a 
recollection of the exact number of days occupied in his 
long journeys from place to place, he answered, that being 
obliged to travel almost naked under a burning sun, he 
always inquired, before setting out on a journey, how long 
jt was expected to last. In the progress of it he kept an 
exact account; and when it was finished, he never failed to 
notice whether it had occupied a greater or lesser number 
of days than he had been taught to expect, or whether it 
had been completed exactly in the stated time. 

On asking him how he could venture to speak with con¬ 
fidence of the precise number of miles which he travelled 
on each day; he replied, that he could easily recollect 
whether the camels on any particular journey, travelled well 
or ill; and knowing that when they are heavily laden 
and badly supplied with provisions, they will not go more 
than from ten to fifteen miles a day; but that, on the other 
hand, when they are fresh and lightly laden, they will 
travel from eighteen to twenty-five miles a day, he had 
reckoned the length of his journeys accordingly. 

When asked how he came to observe so minutely the 
directions in which he travelled; he replied, that he always 
noticed in a morning whether the sun rose in his face, or 
not: and that his thoughts being for ever turned to the 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xix 


consideration of how he should escape, he never omitted 
to remark, and as much as possible to impress on his 
recollection, the course he was travelling, and had travelled, 
and to make inquiries on the subject. Being a sailor, he 
observed, he had the habit of noticing the course he was 
steering at sea; and therefore found no difficulty in doing 
so, when traversing ‘ the Deserts of Africa, which looked 
like the sea in a calm. 

Enough, it is hoped, has been said to satisfy the Reader 
that the Narrative is genuine. But the Editor, aware that 
it might be difficult to obtain credit for so extraordinary a 
story, was anxious that Adams, before he left the country, 
should be seen and examined by every gentleman who 
might wish it, or whose opinions would be most conclusive 
with the public. Fortunately this wish was fully accom¬ 
plished : for the story having come to the knowledge of 
Earl Bathurst, the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, Major General Sir Willoughby Gordon, the 
Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, John Barrow, Esq.* George 

* In mentioning the names of Sir Joseph Banks and Mr. Barrow , the 
Editor ought not to conceal that Adams had the misfortune, at his first inter¬ 
views with these gentlemen, and previous to the conclusive corroborations 
which his story has since received, to excite some doubts in their minds by his 
account of Tombuctoo, and by his mistakes on some subjects of natural history, 
(see Notes 15, 18, and 20), but of the general truth of his Narrative they 
rdid not, even at that early period, entertain any doubts. 


XX 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


Harrison, Esq. Henry Goulburn, Esq. M. P. and other 
members of the Government who interest themselves in 
African affairs, and they having expressed a desire to see 
Adams, he waited upon them in person, and the Narrative 
was at the same time transmitted to them for their perusal. 
It is unnecessary to give stronger evidence of the general 
impression derived from this investigation than is afforded 
by the fact, that the Lords of the Treasury were pleased to 
order to the poor man a handsome gratuity for his equip¬ 
ment and passage home: and Sir Willoughby Gordon, in a 
Letter which the Editor had subsequently the honour to 
receive from him, expressed his opinion in the following 
words :— 46 the perusal of his Statement, and the personal 
44 examination of Adams, have entirely satisfied me of the 
44 truth of his deposition. If he should be proved an im- 
44 postor, he will be second only to Psalmanazar.” 


Although the information thus obtained from Adams did 
not, in strictness, answer the specific object for which it was 
sought, that of assisting Major Peddie; yet as his extraor¬ 
dinary adventures, and his details of Tombuctoo, were too 
curious to be suppressed, it was resolved, with a view to 
the gratification of the public, and in some respects in 




INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xxi 


justice to Adams, that the Narrative should be printed for 
his sole benefit. It was accordingly about to be sent to 
the press in December last, unsupported by any external 
evidence beyond the considerations and opinions, contained 
in the preceding part of this Preface, which was written at 
that time. And as no sufficient reason then existed for 
any longer opposing Adams's wish to revisit his home, he 
embarked on board a vessel bound to New York ; leaving 
until his return, (which he promised should take place in 
the Spring), a large balance of the bounty of the Lords of 
the Treasury, and the expected profits of his Book; but 
before his departure he communicated to the Editor such 
particulars of his family as might lead to the verification of 
his, and their, identity, if his return to this country should 
be prevented by his death. 

At this conjuncture an opportunity unexpectedly pre¬ 
sented itself, of putting Adams's veracity to a decisive test 
on many important details of his Narrative; and the 
intended publication was consequently suspended until the 
result of this investigation should be ascertained. 

The circumstance which produced this fortunate delay, 
was notice of the arrival in England of Mr. Dupuis, the 
British Vice-Consul at Mogadore; to whose interference 
Adams had ascribed his ransom; and to whom, con- 


XXII 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


sequently, the truth or falsehood, of many of his statements 
must of necessity be known. No time was lost in obtaining 
an interview with this Gentleman: and the satisfactory 
answers returned by him to the Editor's first inquiries, led 
to further trespasses on his kindness and his leisure, which 
terminated in his consenting, at the earnest solicitation of 
the Editor, to undertake the perusal of the entire Narrative, 
and to communicate in writing whatever observations, 
whether confirmatory or otherwise, might occur to him in 
the course of its examination. 

The general result of this scrutiny, so satisfactory to the 
previous believers of Adams, is contained in the following 
Letter from Mr. Dupuis, which is too interesting and 
important to admit of any abridgement, 

London , Slstf January, 1816 . 

“ In compliance with your request, I have great pleasure 
in communicating to you all the particulars with which I 
am acquainted respecting the American seaman who is 
supposed to have been at Timbuctoo ; of whom I have a 
distinct recollection. 

“ In the latter end of the year 1810, I was informed at 
Mogadore, that the ship Charles, of New York, to which 
that seaman belonged, was wrecked on the Western Coast 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. xxiii 

of Africa, near the latitude of Cape Blanco: and about 
three months after her loss, I was fortunate enough to 
ransom three of her crew ; who informed me that their 
Captain was dead, that the rest of the crew were in 
slavery, and that two of them, in particular, had been 
carried away by the Arabs in an easterly direction across 
the Desert, and would probably never be heard of again. 
Some time after this, I heard that the mate and one 
seaman were at Wed-Noon; and I accordingly tried to 
effect their liberation; but after a considerable time spent 
in this endeavour, I could neither succeed in that object, 
nor in obtaining any information respecting the rest of the 
crew. At length, nearly two years after the wreck of the 
Charles, I accidentally heard that a Christian was at El 
Kabla , a remote Douar in the Desert, in a south-east 
direction from Mogadore; and subsequently I heard of the 
arrival of the same individual at Wed-Noon; from whence, 
after a tedious negociation, I ultimately obtained his release 
about a year afterwards. 

“ The appearance, features and dress of this man upon 
his arrival at Mogadore, so perfectly resembled those of an 
Arab, or rather of a Shilluh, his head being shaved, and his 
beard scanty and black, that I had difficulty at first in 
believing him to be a Christian. When I spoke to him in 


XXIV 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


English, he answered me in a mixture of Arabic and broken 
English, and sometimes in Arabic only. At this early 
period I could not help remarking that his pronunciation 
of Arabic resembled that of a Negro, but concluded that it 
was occasioned by his intercourse with Negro slaves. 

“ Like most other Christians after a long captivity and 
severe treatment among the Arabs, he appeared upon his 
first arrival exceedingly stupid and insensible; and he 
scarcely spoke to any one: but he soon began to show 
great thankfulness for his ransom, and willingly assisted in 
arranging and cultivating a small garden, and in other em¬ 
ployment, which I gave him with a view of diverting his 
thoughts. About ten or twelve days afterwards his faculties 
seemed pretty well restored, and his reserve had in a great 
measure worn off; and about this period, having been 
informed by a person with whom he conversed, that he 
had visited the Negro country, I began to inquire of him 
the extent of his travels in the Desert; suppressing every 
appearance of peculiar curiosity, or of expecting any thing 
extraordinary from his answers. He then related to me, 
with the greatest simplicity, the manner in which he had 
been wrecked, and afterwards carried away to the eastward, 
and to Timbuctoo; the misfortunes and sufferings of the 
party which he accompanied, his return across the Desert, 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


XXV 


and his ultimate arrival at Wed-Noon. What he dwelt 
upon with most force and earnestness during this recital, 
were the particulars of the brutal treatment which he ex¬ 
perienced from the Arabs at El Kabla and Wed-Noon. He 
did not appear to attach any importance to the fact of his 
having been at Timbuctoo : and the only strong feeling 
which he expressed respecting it, was that of dread, with 
which some of the Negroes had inspired him, who, he said, 
were sorcerers, and possessed the power of destroying their 
enemies by witchcraft. 

44 The probability of the events, the manner of his re¬ 
lating them, and the correspondence of his description of 
places with what information I possessed respecting them, 
led me to attach a considerable degree of credit to 
his Narrative. After repeated examinations, in which I 
found him uniformly clear and consistent in his accounts, 
I sent for several respectable traders who had been at 
Timbuctoo; and these persons, after examining him re¬ 
specting the situation of that city and of other places, and 
respecting the objects which he had seen there, assured 
me that they had no doubt of his having been where he 
described. So strongly was my belief in the truth and 
accuracy of his recital now confirmed, that I wrote a detail 
of the circumstances to Mr. Simpson, Consul-General of 

d 


xxvi 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


the United States at Tangier: I made a chart, on which I 
traced his course; and observed that it extended eastward 
nearly to the supposed situation of Timbuctoo : I also took 
down in writing an account of his travels, which I regret 
that I left amongst my papers at Mogadore ; and although 
in doing this I had occasion to make him repeat his story 
several times, I never found that he differed in any im¬ 
portant particular from the tale he told at first. 

“ The Narrative which you have transmitted to me 
appears, after a minute examination, and to the best of my 
recollection, to be the same, in substance, as that which I 
received from him at Mogadore. The chain of events is 
uniformly the same; but I think he entered more into 
detail on many points, in the relation which he gave to me. 
I do not enlarge upon this subject here, having pointed 
out in the Notes which I have made on the Narrative, the 
few passages in which I found it differ materially from 
what I recollect of his statements at Mogadore. I have 
also mentioned such circumstances as corroborated any 
part of his statements; and I have added, according to 
your desire, such illustrations or incidental information, as 
occurred to me in perusing the Narrative. 

“ Being quite satisfied from your description of the 
person of the American seaman, and from the internal 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


XXV11 


evidence of the Narrative, that “ Robert Adams” is the 
identical individual who was with me at Mogadore, I must 
not, however, omit to inform you, that the name by which 
he went in Africa was Benjamin Rose; by which name 
also he was known to those of the crew of the Charles 
who were ransomed. 

“ I cannot say that I am much surprised at this circum¬ 
stance, because I recollect that he once hinted during his 
residence at Mogadore that “ Benjamin Rose" was not his 
real name: and from the great apprehensions which he 
always discovered, lest he should fall in with, or be im¬ 
pressed by a British Man of War, as well as from the 
anxiety which he shewed on being sent to Tangier, so near 
to Gibraltar, I could not help suspecting that he might 
have some reasons of his own, connected with the British 
Naval service, for going under a feigned name. This 
conjecture was in some degree confirmed by an acknow¬ 
ledgement which he made, that he had once been on board 
a British Man of War, either on service, or detained as a 
prisoner. 

“ There is another circumstance which he mentioned to 
me at Mogadore, which may possibly have led to this 
change of name. He told me that he had quitted America 
to avoid a prosecution with which he was threatened for 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xxviii 

the consequences of an amour, which he was unwilling to 
make good by marriage. But on the whole, I am disposed 
to think that the former was the real cause; since he never 
expressed any reluctance to go to America, but always 
seemed to dread the idea of visiting Europe. I never 
doubted at Mogadore that he was an American, as he 
stated ; and on one occasion, he discovered an involuntary 
exultation at the sight of the American flag, which seemed 
quite convincing. He told me that he was born up the 
river of New York, where his father lived when he quitted 
America; and I learnt, either from himself or from some 
other of the Charles's crew, that his mother was a Mulatto, 
which circumstance his features and complexion seemed to 
confirm. 

44 On the whole, as I consider it not improbable that 
Adams may be his real name, and being at all events quite 
satisfied, that he is the person whom I knew at Mogadore, 
I have, (to avoid confusion) adopted the name which he 
bears in the Narrative, when I speak of him in my Notes. 

44 I shall be very happy if this explanation, and the 
details into which I have entered in the Notes, prove of any 
interest: if you think them of sufficient importance, I can 
have no possible ground for objecting to their being made 
public." 


44 JOSEPH DUPUIS." 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


xxix 


Fortified by this important testimony, the Narrative is 
now presented to the public, with a guarantee for its sub¬ 
stantial veracity, which happily supercedes, though it does 
not render the less interesting, the presumptive and internal 
evidence to which the Reader's attention has already been 
directed. 

The Editor reserves for another place, a brief review of 
the extent to which Mr. Dupuis' communications thus 
confirm the Narrative; together with an examination of 
those parts of it which still rest on the unsupported authority 
of the Narrator. But he cannot omit this, the earliest, 
opportunity, of publicly acknowledging his great personal 
obligations to that Gentleman, not merely for his examina¬ 
tion of the Narrative, and for the confirmation which his 
Letter and Notes hava lent to it, but peculiarly for the 
ready kindness with which he has yielded to the Editor's 
request, in extending his interesting Remarks on some 
particular occasions, further than the mere confirmation 
of Adams's Narrative in strictness seemed to require. 

To this additional encroachment on the leisure of Mr. 
Dupuis, the Editor was impelled by information, that few 
persons were better qualified to give original and accurate 
details respecting the natives of Barbary and the Desert; 
— a residence of eight years in the dominions of the 


XXX 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


Emperor of Morocco,—(more than half of which period in 
an official character),—and an eminent proficiency in the 
Arabic language, and in its very difficult pronunciation, 
having afforded to him facilities of accurate communication 
with the natives, to which very few of our countrymen 
have ever attained. 

The Editor's particular acknowledgements are also due 
to two Gentlemen, Members of the African Committee 
(whom he should have been glad to have had permission 
to name), whose contributions will be found in this publica¬ 
tion : to the one, for a Dissertation of great practical 
importance on the Upper Regions of the Niger, inserted in 
the Appendix, No. I.;— and to the other, for the Map 
already alluded to, and for various Notes and Remarks 
with which, during the Editor's temporary absence, from ill 
health, he has had the kindness to illustrate the Narrative. 

In conclusion, the Editor has only to add the assurance 
(which however he trusts is hardly necessary), that the 
Narrative itself is precisely in the same state now, as 
when it was read at the offices of the Colonial Secretary 
of State, and of the Quarter-Master-General;—not a single 
liberty either of addition or suppression having been taken 
with the plain statements of Adams: even the imperfect 


INTRODUCTORY DETAILS. 


XXXI 


orthography of the names of places, as they were first 
written to imitate Adams's pronunciation, remains uncor¬ 
rected ; in order that the Reader may judge for himself 
of Adams's approach to accuracjr, in this respect, by com¬ 
paring his recollections of the names of places and persons, 
with those accurately furnished by Mr. Dupuis. 

April 30th , 1816. 




, 





















[ xxxiii ] 


ADVERTISEMENT TO THE MAP. 


In conformity with the reported computation of the 
master of the “ Charles,” the scene of the shipwreck has 
been placed in the Map four hundred miles north of the 
Senegal, or about the 22d. degree of north latitude. 

The ruled line drawn from this point represents Adams's 
recollected courses to Tombuctoo and Wed-Noon, extracted 
from the Narrative at his highest estimates of distance.* 
The dotted line from the same point is given as the assumed 
real track of these journeys: being an adaptation of the 
former line to the positions assigned by the best authorities 
to the cities of Tombuctoo and Wed-Noon; and the dif¬ 
ference between these two lines will shew the extent of 
allowance for errors in reckoning which Adams's statements 
appear to require. 

It is evident, however, that the accuracy of the first part 
of these journeys (from the coast to Tombuctoo) must 
* See the Table at p. 156. 
e 




XXXIV 


ADVERTISEMENT TO THE MAP. 


depend altogether upon the correctness of the assumed 
point of departure from which it is traced ; and it will 
probably be remarked, that as the fact of the shipwreck 
proves the master to have been mistaken in his estimate of 
longitude, we may fairly presume that he was at least 
equally mistaken in his latitude; since the known direction 
of the currents which prevail on this part of the African 
coast (by which he was probably misled) would doubtless 
carry the ship at least as far to the southward of her reckon¬ 
ing, as the fact of the wreck proves that she was carried to 
the eastward. 

Admitting the force of this consideration, we may 
observe, that in the degree in which it tends to invalidate 
the accuracy of the master's estimate, it corroborates the 
precision of Adams's recollections—his line of journey (as 
now traced from the master’s position of the shipwreck), 
lying actually a little further to the north than is requisite 
to bring him to the supposed situation of Tombuctoo. 

There is not, howevet, any sufficient ground for believing 
that Captain Harrison's estimates, after the loss of his ship, 
did not include all the allowances for the effect of the 
currents, which we are now contemplating, and which that 
misfortune was calculated to suggest; and we are, conse- 
cfuently, not at liberty to deviate from his opinion merely 


ADVERTISEMENT TO THE MAP. XXXV 

to fit the circumstances to Adams's story. Nevertheless, 
this opinion (which may be erroneous) must be taken, in 
conjunction with Adams’s description of the place whese 
they were cast away; and the only certain conclusion thus 
deducible from the Narrative appears to be,— that the 
“ Charles” was wrecked on a ledge of low rocks, project¬ 
ing from a level sandy coast, not far from the latitude 
of Cape Blanco. 

With respect to other positions in the Map, we have only 
to explain,—that the latitude of Park’s lines of journey from 
the Gambia to Silla is adjusted from the data afforded by 
his last Mission; but that Majbr RennelFs situation of 
Tombuctoo has been retained. 

A conjectural junction has been suggested between 
Adams’s river La Mar Zarah and the Niger; and a suppo¬ 
sitious course has also been assigned to the latter river, 
above the point to which Park’s personal observation 
extended, in order to illustrate the question discussed in the 
Appendix, No. I. 

In a publication professedly intended to promote, in 
however trifling a degree, our acquaintance with the interior 
of Africa, it has not appeared improper to advert to the 
question of the termination of the Niger ; and the outline 
of the Map has accordingly been extended to the Zaire 


xxxvi 


ADVERTISEMENT TO THE MAP. 


and the Nile? in order to afford a glance at the great points 
of this much agitated question. It is not, however, our 
intention to mix further in this discussion. The problem 
which has excited so strong an interest, is now, we trust, in 
a fair way of being satisfactorily solved, by the joint labours 
of the double expedition which is actually on foot; and it 
has been, in the mean time, so ably illustrated in all its 
parts, by Major Rennell in his Geographical Illustrations of 
Park's first Travels,—by the Editor of Park's Second 
Mission,—and by the most respectable of our periodical 
publications, that it would appear a little presumptuous 
in us to expect that we could throw any new interest 
into the discussion. But desirous of contributing our mite 
of information to the facts upon which the discussion itself 
is founded, we shall offer no apology for inserting, in this 
place, the substance of a communication with which we 
have been favoured by a gentleman upon whose state¬ 
ments we can rely, and who has resided, at different 
intervals, a considerable time at the settlement of Lagos, and 
at other stations on the coast of the Bight of Benin . 

We learn from our informant that the Haoussa* traders 
who, previous to the abolition of the slave trade, were con¬ 
tinually to be met with at Lagos, still come down to that 
* Pronounced by the Negroes as if it were written A-Iloussa. 


ADVERTISEMENT TO THE MAP. xxxvii 

mart, though in smaller bodies. The result of his frequent 
communications with them respecting the journey to their 
own country and the Negro nations through which it lay, 
has strongly persuaded him of the practicability of a body of 
Europeans penetrating in that direction to the Niger, with 
proper precautions, under the protection of the Haoussa 
merchants; and of insuring their safe return by certain 
arrangements to be made between the adventurers, them¬ 
selves (countenanced by the authority of the Governors of 
the neighbouring forts),—their Haoussa conductors, and the 
settled native traders on the coast. The principal Negro 
nation on the journey are the Joos ,* a powerful and not ill- 
disposed people; and, nearer the coast, (avoiding the 
Dahomey territories), the Anagoos and the Mahees; the 
latter of whom are stated to be an industrious people and 
good planters. Cowries alone would be necessary, for 
sustenance or presents, during the whole of the journey. 

But it is principally with reference to the nature of the 
country which lies between the coast and Haoussa that we 
notice this communication. The traders describe their 
journey to the coast as occupying between three and four 
months, which is as much time as they require for the 
journey from Haoussa to the Gambia; the difficulties and 
* Yos , or Yadoos in ITAnville’s maps. 


xxxviii 


ADVERTISEMENT TO THE MAP. 


delays incidental to the former journey counterbalancing 
its shorter distance. These difficulties are invariably 
described as resulting from the numerous rivers , morasses, 
and large lakes which intersect the countries between 
Haoussa and the coast. Some of these lakes are crossed 
by the traders on rafts of a large size capable of trans¬ 
porting many passengers and much merchandize at one 
passage; and here the travellers are often detained a con¬ 
siderable time until a sufficiently large freight of passen¬ 
gers and goods happens to be collected. On no occasion 
does our informant recollect that the Haoussa traders have 
spoken of a range of mountains which they had to cross in 
coming down from their own country, and he has no 
idea that any such range exists in that direction, as the 
traders spoke only of morasses and other impediments from 
water. ^ 

We hardly need to observe that these statements appear 
to remove some of the difficulties which have, been objected 
to the prolongation of the course of the Niger to the 
southward, either to the kingdom of Congo or to the Gulf 
of Guinea, in consequence of the supposed barrier of the 
Jibbel Kumri, or mountains of the moon; but the details 
are of course too vague to supply any argument in favour 
of either of the particular systems here alluded to respecting 


advertisement to the map. 


XXXIX 


the termination of the Niger,—either of the conjectural 
theory of Reichard, or of the more reasoned system which 
Park adopted, and which is so ably illustrated and inforced 
in one of the publications* to which we have already 
alluded. 


See the Quarterly Review for April 1815, Art. VI. 












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X 








NARRATIVE, &c. 





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CHAPTER I 


Departure from New York on board the “Charles.”—Names of the Crew.— 
Arrival at Gibraltar.—Voyage to the Isle of Mayo—ignorance of the Cap¬ 
tain—the ship is wrecked on the Western coast of Africa—the Crew saved, 
but are enslaved by the Moors—El Gazie.—Description of the Moors, and 
their proceedings.—French Renegade—Sufferings of the Crew.—Death of 
Captain Horton.—Separation of the Crew, and departure of the Moors from 
El Gazie.—Adams is conveyed eastward into the Desert—mode of travelling 

—arrival at the encampment of the Moors.—Employment there_Expedition 

to steal Negro slaves at Soudenny—Sufferings in traversing the Desert.— 
Arrival near Soudenny.—The Moors seize a Woman and two Children— 
are themselves surprised by the Negroes ; taken prisoners ; and confined in 
the town.—Soudenny, and its inhabitants.—The prisoners are conveyed by 
a party of armed Negroes to Tombuctoo.—Journey thither; during which 
fourteen of the Moors are put to death.—Arrival at Tombuctoo.— 


















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NARRATIVE, 


CHAPTER I. 

Robert Adams, aged 25, bom at Hudson , about 
one hundred miles up the North River, from New York, 
where his father was a sail maker, was brought up to the 
seafaring line, and made several voyages to Lisbon, Cadiz, 
Seville, and Liverpool. 

On the 17th of June 1810, he sailed from New York in 
the ship Charles, John Horton master, of 280 tons, Charles 
Stillwell owner; laden with flour, rice, and salted provisions, 
bound to Gibraltar. 




6 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


The crew consisted of the following persons : 

Stephen Dolbie, mate, 

Thomas Williams, 

Martin Clarke, 

Unis Newsham, 

Nicholas (a Swede), 

John Stephens, 

John Matthews, 

James Davison, \ 

Robert Adams, 
shipped at New York. 

The vessel arrived in twenty-six days at Gibraltar, where 
the cargo was discharged. Here she was joined by Unis 
Nelson, another sailor: she lay at Gibraltar about a month, 
and after taking in sand ballast, 68 pipes of wine, some 
blue nankeens, and old iron, proceeded on her voyage, the 
Captain stating that he was bound to the Isle of May, for 
salt, but afterwards it appeared that he was going on a 
trading voyage down the coast, (i) When they had been 
at sea about three weeks, Adams heard two of the crew, 
Newsham and. Matthews, who were old sailors, and had 
been on the coast before, speaking to the mate, stating their 
opinion that the Captain did not know where he was steer¬ 
ing : the ship’s course was then south south-west: they said 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


7 


he ought to have steered to the northward of west.* They 
had to beat against contrary winds for eight or nine days 
afterwards ; and on the 11th of October, about 3 o'clock in 
the morning, they heard breakers; when Matthews, the 
man at the helm, told the mate who was keeping watch, 
that he was sure they were near the shore; to which the 
mate replied, that “ he had better mind the helm, or his 
wages would be stopped." An hour afterwards the vessel 
struck, but there was so much fog that the shore could not 
be seen. The boat was immediately hoisted out, and the 
mate and three seamen got into it, but it instantly swamped. 
The four persons who were in it, swam, or were cast ashore 
by the surf: soon after a sea washed off four or five more 
of the crew, including Adams ; but as all of the ship's com¬ 
pany could swim, except Nicholas, and the mate, they 

r 

reached the shore without much difficulty ; the latter two 
were nearly exhausted, but no lives were lost. When morn¬ 
ing came, it appeared that the ship had struck on a reef of 
rocks that extended about three quarters of a mile into the 
sea, and were more than twelve feet above the surface at 
low water. The place* according to the Captain's reckoning, 
was about four hundred miles to the northward of Senegal. 

* These courses, whether from the fault of Adams’s memory, or of the judg¬ 
ment of the “ old sailors,” hardly seem to warrant the consequences here ascribed 
to them. 


8 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


Soon after break of day they were surrounded by thirty 
or forty Moors, who were engaged in fishing on that coast, 
by whom Captain Horton and the ship's company were 
made prisoners. The vessel bilged : the cargo was almost 
entirely lost; and what remained of the wreck was burnt 
by the Moors, for the copper bolts and sheathing; but as 
they had no tools wherewith to take off the copper, they 
saved little more than the bolts. The place, which was 
called El Gazi'e , ( 2 ) was a low sandy beach, having no trees 
in sight, nor any verdure. There was no appearance of 
mountain or hill; nor (excepting only* the rock on which 
the ship was wrecked) any thing but sand as far as the 
eye could reach. 

The Moors were straight haired, but quite black; their 
dress consisted of little more than a rug or a skin round 
their waist, their upper parts and from their knees down¬ 
wards, being wholly naked. The men had neither shoes nor 
hats, but wore their hair very long : the women had a little 
dirty rag round their heads by way of turban. They 
were living in tents made of stuff like a coarse blanket, of 
goat's hair, and sheep's wool interwoven; but some of 
them were without tents, until they were enabled to make 
them of the sails of the ship; out of which they also made 
themselves clothes. The men were circumcised. They 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


9 


appeared to be provided with no cooking utensil whatever. 
Their mode of dressing fish was by drying it in the sun, 
cutting it into thin pieces, and letting it broil on the hot sand ; 
but they were better off after the wreck, as they secured 
several pots, saucepans, &c. So extremely indigent were 
these people, that when unable to catch fish, they were in 
danger of starving; and in the course of fourteen days, or 
thereabouts, that they remained at El Gazie, they were 
three or four days without fish, owing to the want of proper 
tackle. Among the articles in a chest that floated ashore, 
was fishing tackle, which the crew of the Charles offered to 
shew the Moors how to use, and to assist them in fishing; 
but they refused to be instructed, or to receive any assist¬ 
ance. At length, having accumulated enough to load a 
camel, they raised their tents and departed, taking with 
them their prisoners. 

Besides the Moors there was a young man in appearance 
a Frenchman, but dressed like a Moor. As captain Horton 
spoke French, he conversed with this man, who told Him 
that about a year before he had made his escape from 
Santa Cruz, in the Canary Islands, in a small vessel, with 
some other Frenchmen ; and that having approached the 
shore to procure goats, they had found it impossible to get 
the vessel off again, on account of the surfi and were taken 

C 


10 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


prisoners; his companions had been sent up the country. 
As he ascociated, and ate and slept with the Moors, 
Adams was of opinion that he had turned Mohammedan, 
although he assured Captain Horton that he had not done 
so. (3) 

On the landing of the Captain and crew, the Moors strip¬ 
ped all of them naked, and hid the clothes under ground, 
as well as the articles which they had collected from the 
ship, or which had floated ashore. Being thus exposed to 
a scorching sun, their skins became dreadfully blistered, 
and at night they were obliged to dig holes in the sand 
to sleep in, for the sake of coolness. 

This was not the only evil they had to encounter, for as 
the Moors swarmed with lice, Adams and his companions 
soon became covered with them. 

About a week after landing, the Captain became extremely 
ill, and having expressed himself violently on the occasion 
of his being stripped, and frequently afterwards using loud 
and coarse language, and menacing gestures, he was at 
length seized by the Moors and put to death. The instru¬ 
ment they used on the occasion was a sword, which they 
found in the cabin : the Captain used no resistance; he was 
in fact so reduced by sickness, and was in such a state of 
despondency, that he frequently declared he wished for 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


11 


death. It was the manner of the Captain that gave offence, 
as the Moors could not understand what he said, any more 
than he could understand them. One thing in particular, 
about which Adams understood the Moors to quarrel with 
him was, that as he was extremely dirty, and (like all the 
party) covered with vermin, they wished him to go down to 
the sea to wash, and made signs for him to do so. But 
partly from an obstinacy of disposition, and partly from the 
lassitude brought on by sickness and despair, he refused to 
do as desired; and whenever pressed to do so, used the most 
threatening looks, actions, and words. ( 4 ) 

When the vessel struck, the Captain gave orders that the 
heads of the wine casks should be knocked in, in the hope 
of thereby making her float; and when he found that did 
not succeed, he ordered that the guns, flour, anchors, &c. 
should be thrown overboard, and the water started. In the 
confusion and alarm, the muskets and powder were also 
thrown overboard ; otherwise the party might have had the 
means of defending themselves against the Moors who 
appeared on their first landing, the number of whom did 
not exceed forty or fifty people; but though the Captain 
was a man of courage, he appeared to be utterljr deprived 
of reflection after the vessel had struck. He was also an 
excellent navigator, but relied too much upon the mate. 


12 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


After they had remained about ten or twelve days, until 
the ship and materials had quite disappeared, the Moors 
made preparation to depart, and divided the prisoners 
among them, carefully hiding in the sand every thing they 
had saved from the wreck. Adams, the mate, and New- 
sham were left in the possession of about twenty Moors, 
(men, women, and children,) who quitted the sea coast, 
having four camels, three of which they loaded with water, 
and the other with fish and baggage. They travelled very 
irregularly, sometimes going only ten or twelve miles a day, 
but often considerably more, making upon an average about 
fifteen miles a day; occasionally going two or three days 
without stopping, except at night, at others resting a day or 
two; on which occasions they pitched the tents to recruit 
the camels. 

Except one woman, who had an infant, which she carried 
on her back, the whole of the party went on foot. The 
route was to the eastward, but inclining rather to the south 
than to the north of east, across a desert sandy plain, with 
occasional low hills and stones. At the end of about thirty 
days, during which they did not see any human being, 
they arrived at a place, the name of which Adams did 
not hear, where they found about thirty or forty tents, 
and a pool of water, surrounded by a few shrubs, which, 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


13 


was the only water they had met with since quitting the 
coast. 

In the first week after their arrival, Adams and his com¬ 
panions being greatly fatigued, were not required to do any 
work, but at the end of that time they were put to tend 
some goats and sheep, which were the first they had seen. 
About this time John Stevens arrived, under charge of 
a Moor, and was sent to work in company with Adams. 
Stevens was a Portuguese, about eighteen years of age. At 
this place they remained about a month. 

The mate offered the Moors one hundred dollars to take 
the party to Senegal, which was called by the Moors Aga- 
deer Bomba , 5 * which they refused ; but, as Adams under¬ 
stood, they were willing to take them to a place called 
Suerra. ( 5 ) Not being acquainted with this place, they 
objected to go thither; but when they began to learn the 
language, they found that what was called Suerra , meant 
Mogadore. The mate and Newsham remained only a few 
days at the place at which they were stopping, when they 
went away with some of the Moors in a northerly direction. 
It was very much the desire of Adams and Stevens to con¬ 
tinue in company with the mate and the others, but they 
were not permitted. ( 6 ‘) 

* <( Agadeer Doma. r ’ D. 


14 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


Some days after, it was proposed by the Moors to Adams 
and Stevens to accompany them in an expedition to Sou- 
denny to procure slaves. It was with great difficulty they 
could understand this proposal, but the Moors made them¬ 
selves intelligible by pointing to some Negro boys who were 
employed in taking care of sheep and goats; and as they 
frequently mentioned the word “ Suerra,” Adams at last 
made out, that if he and Stevens would join in the expedi¬ 
tion, they should be taken to that place. Being in the 
power of the Moors, they had no option, and having there¬ 
fore signified their consent, the party, consisting of about 
eighteen Moors and the two whites, set off for Soudenny, 
taking with them nine camels, laden with water and barley 
flour, procured at the place at which they had stopped. 
After proceeding two days, they were joined by twelve 
other Moors, and three more camels, and then the whole 
party set off to cross the Desert,* proceeding south south¬ 
east ; travelling at first at the rate of from fifteen to twenty 
miles a day. It was the expectation of the Moors, that by 
travelling at that rate for ten days, they should come to 
a place where water was to be procured; but the weather 
having been exceedingly hot, and the season dry, when 

* Adams calls “ the Desert ” only those parts of the great Sahara, which con¬ 
sist of loose sand, without any traces of vegetation. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


15 


they arrived at the spot (which they did in ten days) where 
the water was expected, which seemed to be a well about 
eight or nine feet deep, it was found quite dry. By this 
time their water running very short, they resorted to the 
expedient of mixing the remainder of their stock with the 
earners urine, and then set out again on their journey to 
Soudenny, pursuing a course rather more southerly, in 
the neighbourhood of which they arrived in about four days 
more. About two days journey from this place they ap¬ 
peared to have left the Desert, the country began to be 
hilly, and they met with some small trees. 

Soudenny is a small negro village, having grass and 
shrubs growing about it, and a small brook of water. The 
houses are built of clay, the roofs being composed of sticks 
laid flat, with clay on the top. For a week or thereabouts, 
after arriving in the neighbourhood of this place, the party 
concealed themselves amongst the hills and bushes, lying in 
wait for the inhabitants; when they seized upon a woman 
with a child in her arms, and two children (boys), whom 
they found walking in the evening near the town. (7) 

During the next four or five days the party remained 
concealed, when one evening, as they were all lying on the 
ground, a large party of Negroes, (consisting of forty or 
fifty men,) made their appearance, armed with daggers and 


16 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


bows and arrows, who surrounded and look them all pri¬ 
soners, without the least resistance being attempted, and 
carried them into the town; tying the hands of some, and 
driving the whole party before them. During the night, 
above one hundred Negroes kept watch over them. The 
next day they were taken before the Governor, or chief 
person, named Mahamoud, a remarkably ugly Negro, who 
ordered that they should all be imprisoned. The place of 
confinement was a mere mud wall, about six feet high, from 
whence they might readily have escaped (though strongly 
guarded), if the Moors had been enterprising; but they 
were a cowardly set. Here they were kept three or four 
days, for the purpose, as it afterwards appeared, of being 
sent forward to Tombuctoo, which Adams concluded to be 
the residence of the king of the country. 

The better order of natives at Soudenny wear blue 
nankeen, in the manner of a frock; but are entirely without 
shoes, hats, or turbans, except the Chief, who at times wears 
a blue turban. The distinguishing ornament of the Chief is 
some gold worked on the shoulder of his frock, in the 
manner of an epaulette; some of the officers about him 
were ornamented in a similar manner, but with smaller 
epaulettes. Their arms were bows and arrow's; the former 
about four feet long, with strings made of the skin of some 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


17 


animal ; the arrows were about a foot and a half long, 
not feathered. The Negroes frequently practised shooting 
at small marks of clay, which they scarcely ever missed at 
fifteen or twenty yards distance. 

The houses have only a ground floor; and are without 
furniture or utensils, except wooden bowls, and mats made 
of grass. They never make fires in their houses. The 
lower order of people wear blankets, which they buy 
from the Moors. After remaining about four days at 
Soudenny, the prisoners were sent to Tombuctoo, under 
an escort of about sixty armed men, having about eighteen 
camels and dromedaries. 

During the first ten days, they proceeded eastward at the 
rate of about fifteen to twenty miles a day, the prisoners 
and most of the Negroes walking, the officers riding, two 
upon each camel or dromedary. As the prisoners were all 
impressed with the belief that they were going to execution, 
several of the Moors attempted to escape; and in conse¬ 
quence, after a short consultation, fourteen were put to 
death, by being beheaded at a small village at which they 
then arrived ; and as a terror to the rest, the head of one of 
them was hung round the neck of a camel for three days, 
until it became so putrid that they were obliged to remove 
it. At this village the natives wore gold rings in their ears, 

D 


IS 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


sometimes two rings in each ear. They had a hole through 
the cartilage of the nose, wide enough to admit a thick 
quill, in which Adams saw some of the natives wear a large 
ring of an oval shape, that hung down to the mouth. 

They waited only one day at this place, and then pro¬ 
ceeded towards Tombuctoo, shaping their course to the 
northward of East: and quickening their pace to the rate 
of twenty miles a day, they completed their journey in 
fifteen days. 


CHAPTER II. 


Imprisonment of the Moors at Tombuctoo—Adams an object of curiosity, and 
kindly treated.—King and Queen; Woollo and Fatima.—Their Dress, Cere¬ 
monies, Residence, and Attendants.—Muskets.—Curiosity of the natives to 
see Adams.—Tombuctoo—La Mar Zarah— Canoes—Fish—Fruits—Vege¬ 
tables— Grain.—Food prepared from the Guinea-corn—Animals.—Heirie— 
Elephant-hunt.—Birds: Ostriches.—Sulphur—Poisonous preparation of the 
Negroes for their Arrows.—Persons and Habits of the Negroes—Incisions in 
their Faces—Dress—Ornaments—and Customs—Musical Instruments— 
Dancing—Military Excursions against Bambarra—-Slaves—Criminal Punish¬ 
ments—Articles of Trade—Jealous precautions of the Negroes against the 
Moors; their kindness to Adams.—Rain.—Names of Countries.—Words in 
the Language of Tombuctoo. 












- 






[21 ] 


CHAPTER II. 

Upon their arrival at Tombuctoo, the whole party was 
immediately taken before the King, who ordered the Moors 
into prison, but treated Adams and the Portuguese boy as 
curiosities ; taking them to his house, where they remained 
during their residence at Tombuctoo. 

For some time after their arrival, the Queen and her 
female attendants used to sit and look at Adams and his 
companion for hours together. She treated them with great 
kindness, and at the first interview offered them some 
bread baked under ashes. 

The King and Queen, the former of whom was named 
Woollo, the latter 'Fatima , ( 8 ) were very old grey-headed 
people. The Queen was extremely fat. Her dress was of 
blue nankeen, edged with gold lace round the bosom and 
on the shoulder, and having a belt or stripe of the same 
material half way down the dress, which came only a few 
inches below the knees. The dress of the other females of 
Tombuctoo, though less ornamented than that of the Queen, 
was in the same short fashion; so that as they wore no 


22 


ROBERT ADAMS'S NARRATIVE. 


close under garments, they might, when sitting on the 
ground, as far as decency was concerned, as well have had 
no covering at all. The Queen's head-dress consisted of a 
blue nankeen turban; but this was worn only upon occa¬ 
sion of ceremony, or when she walked out. Besides the 
turban, .she had her hair stuck full of bone ornaments of a 
square shape about the size of dice, extremely white; she 
had large gold hoop ear-rings, and many necklaces, some 
of them of gold, the others made of beads of various colours. 
She wore no shoes; and, in consequence, her feet appeared 
to be as hard and dry “ as the hoofs of an ass." * 

Besides the blue nankeen dress just described, the Queen 
sometimes wore an under dress of white muslin; at other 
times a red one. This colour was produced by the juice of 
a red root which grows in the neighbourhood, about a foot 
and a half long. Adams never saw any silks worn by the 
Queen or any other inhabitant of Tombuctoo; for, although 
they have some silks brought by the Moors, they appeared 
to be used entirely for purposes of external trade. 

The dress of the King was a blue nankeen frock decorated 
with gold, having gold epaulettes, and a broad wristband of 
the same metal. He sometimes wore a turban; but often 
went bare-headed. (9) When he walked through the town 

* Adams’s expression. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


23 


he was generally a little in advance of his party. His 
subjects saluted him by inclinations of the head and body; 
or by touching his head with their hands, and then kissing 
their hands. When he received his subjects in his palace, 
it was his custom to sit on the ground, and their mode of 
saluting him on such occasions was by kissing his head. 

The King’s house, or palace, which is built of clay and 
grass, (not white-washed) consists of eight or ten small 
rooms on the ground floor; and is surrounded by a wall of 
the same materials, against part of which the house is built. 
The space within the wall is about half an acre. Whenever 
a trader arrives, he is required to bring his merchandize into 
this space for the inspection of the King, for the purpose, 
Adams thinks, (but is not certain,) of duties being charged 
upon it. ( 10 ) The King’s attendants, who are with him all 
the day, generally consist of about thirty p ersons, several of 
whom are armed with daggers and bows and arrows. 
Adams does not know if he had any family. 

In a store-room of the King’s house Adams observed 

r 

about twenty muskets, apparently of French manufacture, 
one of them double-barrelled; but he never saw them made 
use of. (n) 

For a considerable time after the arrival of Adams and 
his companion, the people used to come in crowds to stare 


24 


ROEERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


at them; and he afterwards understood that many persons 
came several day's journey on purpose. The Moors re¬ 
mained closely confined in prison; but Adams and the 
Portuguese boy had permission to visit them. At the end 
of about six months, there arrived a company of trading 
Moors with tobacco, who after some weeks ransomed the 
whole party. Adams does not know the precise quantity 
of tobacco which was paid for them, but it consisted of the 
lading of five camels, with the exception of about fifty 
pounds weight reserved by the Moors. These Moors seemed 
to be well known at Tombuctoo, Avhich place, he under¬ 
stood, they were accustomed to visit every year during the. 
rainy season. 


Tombuctoo is situated on a level plain, having a river about 
two hundred yards from the town, on the south-east side, 
named La Mar Zarah * The town appeared to Adams to 
cover as much ground as Lisbon. He is unable to give any 
idea of the number of its inhabitants ; but as the houses are 
not built in streets, or with any regularity, its population, 
compared with that of European towns, is by no means in 

* Or La Mar ZaJir. It was not easy to fix the probable orthography of 
African names, from Adams’s indistinct pronunciation. 




ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


25 


proportion to its size. It has no walls, nor any thing re¬ 
sembling fortification. The houses are square, built of 
sticks, clay, and grass, with flat roofs of the same materials. 
The rooms are all on the ground floor, and are without any 
article of furniture, except earthen jars, wooden bowls, and 
mats made of grass, upon which the people sleep. He did 
not observe any houses, or any other buildings, constructed 
of stone. ( 12 ) 

The river La Mar Zarah is about three quarters of a mile 
wide at Tombuctoo, and appears to have, in this place, 
but little current, flowing to the south-west. About two 
miles from the town to the southward it runs between two 
high mountains, apparently as high as the mountains which 
Adams saw in Barbary : here it is about half a mile wide. 
The water of La Mar Zarah is rather brackish, but is com¬ 
monly drunk by the natives; there not being, as Adams 
believes, any wells at Tombuctoo. O 3 ) The vessels used by 
the natives are small canoes for fishing, the largest of which 
is about ten feet long, capable of carrying three men : they 
are built of fig-trees hollowed out, and caulked with grass, 
and are worked with paddles about six feet long. O 4 ) The 
river is well stored with fish, chiefly of a sort which Adams 
took for the red mullet: there is also a large red fish, in 
shape somewhat like a salmon, and having teeth; he thinks 

E 


26 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


it is the same fish which is known in New York by the name 
of “ sheep Vhead.” The common mode of cooking the fish 
is by boiling; but they never take out the entrails. 

The principal fruits at Tombuctoo are cocoa-nuts, dates, 
figs, pine-apples, and a sweet fruit about as large as an 
apple, with a stone about the size of a plum stone. This 
latter was greatly esteemed; and being scarce, was preserved 
with care for the Royal Family. The leaves of this fruit 
resembled those of a peach. ( 15 ) 

The vegetables are carrots, turnips, sweet potatoes, negro 
beans, and cabbages; but the latter are eaten very small, 
and never grow to a solid head. 

The grain is principally rice and guinea-corn. The cul¬ 
tivation of the soil at Tombuctoo requires very little labour, 
and is chiefly performed with a kind of hoe which the 
natives procure from the Moors, and which appears to be 
their only implement of husbandry. Adams never observed 
any cattle used in agriculture. 

The guinea-corn grows five or six feet high, with a bushy 
head as large as a pint bottle, the grain being about the 
size of a mustard seed, of which each head contains about 
a double handful. This they beat upon a stone until they 
extract all the seed, and then they put it between two flat 
stones and grind it. These operations are performed by 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


27 


one person. The meal, when ground, is sifted through a 
small sieve made of grass. The coarse stuff is boiled for 
some time, after which the flour is mixed with it, and when 
well boiled together it makes a thick mess like burgoo. This 
is put into a wooden dish, and a hole being made in the 
middle of the mess, some goats' milk is poured into it. The 
natives then sit on the ground, men, women and children, 
indiscriminately round the mess thus prepared, and eat it 
with their fingers. Even the King and Queen do the 
same, having neither spoons, knives, nor forks. In the pre¬ 
paration of this food for the King and Queen, they some¬ 
times use butter, which is produced from goats' milk; 
and though soft and mixed with hair, it appeared to be 
considered a great dainty. Some of the bowls out of 
which the natives eat are made of cocoa-nut shells; but 
most of them are of the trunk of the fig-tree hollowed out 
with chisels. 

The animals are elephants, cows, goats, (no horses), ( 16 ) 
asses, camels, dromedaries, dogs, rabbits, antelopes, and an 
animal called heirie , of the shape of a camel, but much 
smaller. These latter are only used by the Negroes for riding, 
as they are stubborn, and unfit to carry other burdens: 
they are excessively fleet, and will travel for days together 
at the rate of fifty miles a day. The Moors were very 


28 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


desirous of purchasing these animals, hut the Negroes 
refused to sell them. (17) 

The elephants are taken bj shooting with arrows pointed 
with a metal like steel, about a foot long, and exceedingly 
sharp. These arrows are steeped in a liquid of a black 
colour; and when the animal is wounded they let him go, 
but keep him in sight for three or four days, at the end of 
which he expires from the effects of the wound. Adams 
never saw more than one killed, which was at the distance 
of about two miles from the town. He was one evening 
speaking to a Negro, when they heard a whistling noise at 
a distance: as soon as it was heard, the Negro said it was 
an elephant, and next morning at day-light he set off with 
his bow and arrows in pursuit of him. Adams, the Portu¬ 
guese boy, and many of the town's people accompanied 
him, until they came within about three quarters of a mile 
of the elephant, but were afraid to go any nearer on ac¬ 
count of his prodigious size. The Negro being mounted on 
a heirie, went close to him, riding at speed past his head: 
as he passed him he discharged an arrow, which struck the 
elephant near the shoulder, which instantly started, and 
went in pursuit of the man, striking his trunk against the 
ground with violence, and making a most tremendous 
roaring, which “ might have been heard three miles off." 


Robert adamss narrative. 


29 


Owing to the fleetness of the heirie, which ran the faster 
from fear, the elephant was soon left at a distance; and 
three days afterwards was found lying on the ground in a 
dying state, about a mile from the spot where it was shot. 
According to the best of Adams's recollection, it was at least 
twenty feet high ; and though of such an immense size, the 
natives said it was a young one. The legs were as thick as 
Adams's body, (is) The first operation of the Negroes was 
to take out the four tusks, the two largest of which were 
about five feet long. They then cut off the legs, and pieces 
of lean from the hinder parts of the body, and carried them 
home ; where they skinned the flesh, and then exposed it to 
dry in the sun for two days. It was afterwards boiled, but 
proved to Adams's taste very coarse food, the grain of the 
meat being as thick as a straw, and of a very strong flavour. 
The only thing eaten with it was salt, which is procured 
from a place called Tudenny wells, which will be spoken of 
hereafter. Upon the occasion of the elephant being killed? 
the Negroes were greatly delighted : and Adams frequently 
laughed with them, at the recollection of their appearance 
as they stood round the dead carcase, all laughing and 
shewing their white teeth at once, which formed a ridiculous 
contrast with their black faces. 

The other wild animals which Adams saw were foxes, 


30 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


porcupines, baboons, wolves, and a large species of rat 
which frequents the river. Tie does not appear to have seen 
either hippopotami or alligators. (19) 

Besides these, there is in the vicinity of Tombuctoo 
a most extraordinary animal named courcoo , somewhat 
resembling a very large dog, but having an opening or 
hollow on its back like a pocket, in which it carries its 
prey. ( 20 ) It has short pointed ears and a short tail. Its 
skin is of an uniform reddish-brown on its back, like a fox, 
but its belly is of a light-grey colour. It will ascend trees 
with great agility and gather cocoa-nuts, which Adams 
supposes to be a part of its food. But it also devours 
goats and even young children, and the Negroes were 
greatly afraid of it. Its cry is like that of an owl. 

The wolves are destructive to asses as well as goats. The 
foxes frequently carry off young goats and guinea-fowls, 
particularly the former. Although he never saw either lions, 
tigers, or wild cats; yet the roaring of animals of these 
descriptions was heard every night in the neighbouring 
mountains. ( 21 ) 

The domestic birds are guinea-fowls. The wild birds are 
ostriches, eagles, crows, owls, green parrots, a large brown 
bird that lives upon fish, and several smaller birds. He does 
not. recollect to have seen any swallows. ( 22 ) 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


31 


The ostriches are about double the size of a turkey, quite 
wild, and go in flocks. When any are observed in the day 
time, the place where they resort is marked, and they are 
caught at night by men mounted on heiries, who strike 
them with sticks. When they are first caught their feathers 
are very beautiful. The flesh of the ostrich is cooked 
without being previously dried in the sun, and is good 
eating, as well as the eggs, which are boiled : in fact, almost 
every thing which the Negroes of Tombuctoo eat is boiled. 

The principal animal food eaten by the Negroes is goats' 
flesh. Adams did not see more than one cow killed during 
his stay; and then, he thinks, it was on account of the 
animaFs being in a declining state. The cows are very 
small, and but few in number: some of them are milk- 
white ; but the colour of the greater part is red. 

There are two sorts of ants at Tombuctoo; the largest 
black, the smallest red; which appear at times in prodi¬ 
gious numbers. He has also seen bees there; but he has 
no recollection of having seen any honey. 

Having occasionally at night, seen a light like fire on the 
mountains to the southward of the town, Adams had the 
curiosity to visit them, and found a considerable quantity of 
sulphur, which the natives collected. The only use to which 
he has seen them apply this mineral, was to mix it with 


32 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


a substance in black lumps which looked like opium, W 
for the purpose of making a liquid into which they dipped 
the heads of their arrows. It was with an arrow so pre¬ 
pared that the elephant, before spoken of, was killed. 

The natives of Tombuctoo are a stout, healthy race, and 
are seldom sick, although they expose themselves by lying 
out in the sun at mid-day, when the heat is almost insup¬ 
portable to a white man. It is the universal practice of 
both sexes to grease themselves all over with butter pro¬ 
duced from goat’s milk, which makes the skin smooth, and 
gives it a shining appearance. This is usually renewed every 
day; when neglected, the skin becomes rough, greyish, and 
extremely ugly. They usually sleep under cover at night; 
but sometimes, in the hottest weather, they will lie exposed 
to the night air with little or no covering, notwithstanding 
that the fog which rises from the river descends like dew, 
and in fact, at that season, supplies the want of rain. 

All the males of Tombuctoo have an incision on their 
faces from the top of the forehead down to the nose, from 
which proceed other lateral incisions over the eyebrows, 
into all of which is inserted a blue dye, produced from a 
kind of ore which is found in the neighbouring mountains. 
The women have also incisions on their faces, but in a dif¬ 
ferent fashion ; the lines being from two to five in number, 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


83 


cut on each cheek bone, from the temple straight down¬ 
wards : they are also stained with blue. These incisions 
being made on the faces of both sexes when they are about 
twelve months old, the dyeing material which is inserted in 
them becomes scarcely visible as they grow up. ( 25 ) 

Except the King and Queen and their companions, who 
had a change of dress about once a week, the people were 
in general very dirty, sometimes not washing themselves for 
twelve or fourteen days together. Besides the Queen, who, 
as has been already stated, wore a profusion of ivory and 
bone ornaments in her hair, some of a square shape and 
others about as thick as a shilling, but rather smaller, (strings 
of which she also wor£ about her wrists and ankles) many 
of the women were decorated in a similar manner; and 
they seemed to consider hardly any favour too great to 
be conferred on the person who would make them a pre¬ 
sent of these precious ornaments. Gold ear-rings were 
much worn. Some of the women had also rings on their 
fingers ; but these appeared to Adams to be of brass; and 
as many of the latter had letters upon them (but whether 
in the Roman or Arabic characters Adams cannot tell) he 
concluded both from this circumstance, and from their 
workmanship, that they were not made by the Negroes, 
but obtained from the Moorish traders. 


34 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


The ceremony of marriage amongst the upper ranks at 
Tombuctoo, is for the bride to go in the day time to the 
King's house, and to remain there until after sunset, when 
the man who is to be her husband goes to fetch her away. 
This is usually followed by a feast the same night, and a 
dance. Adams did not observe what ceremonies were used 
in the marriages of the lower classes. 

As it is common to have several concubines besides a 
wife, the women are continually quarrelling and fighting. 
But there is a marked difference in the degree of respect 
with which they are each treated by the husband; the wife 
always having a decided pre-eminence. ( 26 ) The Negroes, 
however, appeared to Adams to be jealous and severe with 
all their women, frequently beating them for apparently 
very little cause. 

The women appear to suffer very little from child-birth, 
and they will be seen walking about as usual the day after 
such an event. Tt is their practice to grease a child all 
over soon after its birth, and to expose it for about an hour 
to the sun: the infants are at first of a reddish colour, but 
become black in three or four days. 

Illicit intercourse appeared to be but little regarded 
amongst the lower orders; and chastity amongst the women 
in general seemed to be preserved only so far as their 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


35 


situations or circumstances rendered it necessary for their 
personal safety or convenience. In the higher ranks, if 
a woman prove with child the man is punished with slavery, 
unless he will take the woman for his wife and maintain 
her. Adams knew an instance of a young man, who, having 
refused to marry a woman by whom he had a child, was 
on that account condemned to slavery. He afterwards 
repented ; but was not then permitted to retract his refusal, 
and was sent away to be sold. 

The practice of procuring abortion is very common. 
Adams was informed that in cases of pregnancy from illicit 
intercourse, where the woman would not submit to this 
alternative, it was no unusual thing for the father secretly to 
poison her. 

The Negroes of Tombuctoo are very vehement in their 
quarrels. When they strike with their fists they use the 
under part of the hand, as if knocking wi,th a hammer; 
but their principal mode of offence is by biting. On the 
whole, however, they are a good natured people; and 
always treated Adams with the greatest kindness. 

It does not appear that they have any public religion, as 
they have no house of worship, no priest, and as far as 
Adams could discover, never meet together to pray. He 
has seen some , of the Negroes who were circumcised; but 


36 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


he concluded, that they had been in the possession of 
the Moors, or had been resident at Tudenny. (27) 

The only ceremony that appeared like the act of prayer 
was on the occasion of the death of any of the inhabitants, 
when their relatives assembled and sat round the corpse. 
The burial is unattended with any ceremony. The deceased 
are buried in the clothes in which they die, at a small 
distance to the south-west of the town. 

Adams does not believe that any of the Negroes could 
write, as he never saw any of them attempt it; their 
accounts appeared to be kept by notching sticks. Almost 
all the Moors, on the contrary, are able to write. 

Their only physicians are old women, who cure diseases 
and wounds by the application of simples. Adams had a 
wen on the back of his right hand, the size of a large egg; 
which one of the women cured in about a month by rubbing 
it and applying, a plaister of herbs. (28) They cure the 
tooth-ache by the application of a liquid prepared from 
roots; which frequently causes not only the defective tooth 
to fall out, but one or two others. 

He never saw any of the Negroes blind but such as were 
very old; of these, judging from their appearance, he 
thinks he has seen some upwards of one hundred years of 
age. Children are obliged to support their parents in their 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


37 

old age; but when old people are childless, there is a house 
for their reception, in which they live, four or five in a 
room, at the cost of the King. 

The only tools which the Negroes appeared to possess 
(besides the hoes and chisels previously mentioned) were 
knives and small hatchets with which they cut their timber, 
and a few other rough instruments of iron which they pro¬ 
cured from the Moors. Adams does not remember ever to 
have seen a saw. 

Their musical instruments are, 1st, a sort of fife made 
of reeds ; 2d, a kind of tambourine covered with goat skin, 
within which are ostrich quills laid across in such a manner 
that when the skin is struck with the hand the quills jar 
against it; 3d, an instrument which they call bander a, 
made of several cocoa-nut shells tied together with thongs 
of goat-skin, and covered with the same material; a hole at 
the top of the instrument is covered with strings of leather 
or tendons, drawn tightly across it, on which the performer 
plays with the fingers in the manner of a guitar. 

Their principal and favourite amusement is dancing,, 
which takes place about once a week in the town, when a 
hundred dancers or more assemble, men, women and 
children, but the greater number men. Whilst they are 
engaged in the dance they sing extremely loud to the music 


38 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


of the tambourine, fife, and bandera; so that the noise they 
make may be heard all over the town. They dance in a 
circle, and (when this amusement continues till the night) 
generally round a fire. Their usual time of beginning is 
about two hours before sun-set, and the dance not unfre- 
quently lasts all night. The men have the most of the 
exercise in these sports whilst daylight lasts, the women 
continuing nearly in one spot and the men dancing to and 
from them. Os) During this time the dance is conducted 
with some decency; but when night approaches, and the 
women take a more active part in the amusement, their thin 
and short dresses, and the agility of their actions, are little 
calculated to admit of the preservation of any decorum. 

It has been already stated, that Adams can form no idea 
of the population of Tombuctoo ; but he thinks that once 
he saw as many as two thousand persons assembled at one 
place. This was on the occasion of a party of five hundred 
men going out to make war in Bambarra. (so) The day 
after their departure they were followed by a great number 
of camels, dromedaries, and heiries, laden with provisions. 
Such of these people as afterwards returned, came back in 
parties of forty or fifty; many of then} did not return at all 
whilst Adams remained at Tombuctoo ; but he never heard 
that any of them had been killed. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE, 


39 


About once a month a party of a hundred or more armed 
men marched out in a similar manner to procure slaves. 
These armed parties were all on foot except the officers; 

they were usually absent from one week to a month, and 

% 

at times brought in considerable numbers. The slaves were 
generally a different race of people from those of Tom- 
buctoo, and differently clothed, their dress being for the 
most part of coarse white linen or cotton. He once saw 
amongst them a woman who had her teeth filed round, he 
supposes by way of ornament; and as they were very long 
they resembled crow-quills. The greatest number of slaves 
that he recollects to have seen brought in at one time, were 
about twenty, and these he was informed were from the 
place called Bnmbarra, lying to the southward and west¬ 
ward of Tombuctoo^ which he understood to be the 
country whither the aforesaid parties generally went out in 
quest of them. 

The slaves thus brought in were chiefly women and chil¬ 
dren, who, after being detained a day or two at the King's 
house, were sent away to other parts for sale.C 31 ) The returns 
for them consisted of blue nankeens, blankets, barley, 
tobacco, and sometimes gunpowder. This latter article 
appeared to be more valuable than gold, of which double 
the weight was given in barter for gunpowder. Their 


40 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


manner of preserving it was in skins. It was however 
never used at Tombuctoo, except as an article of trade. 

Although the King was despotic, and could compel his 
subjects to take up arms when he required it, yet it did 
not appear that they were slaves whom he might sell, or 
employ as such generally; the only actual slaves being 
such as were brought from other countries, or condemned 
criminals. Of the latter class only twelve persons were 
condemned to slavery during the six months of Adams’s 
residence at Tombuctoo. The offences of which they 
had been guilty were poisoning, theft, and refusing to 
join a party sent out to procure slaves from foreign 
countries. 

Adams never saw any individual put to death at Tom¬ 
buctoo, (32) the punishment for heavy offences being, as has 
just been stated, slavery; for slighter misdemeanours the 
offenders are punished with beating with a stick; but in no 
case is this punishment very severe, seldom exceeding two 
dozen blows, with a stick of the thickness of a small walking 
cane. 

Adams did not observe any shops at Tombuctoo.(33) The 
goods brought for sale, which consisted chiefly of tobacco, 
tar, gunpowder, blue nankeens, blankets, earthen jars, and 
some silks, are obtained from the Moors, and remain in the 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


41 


King's house, until they are disposed of. The only other 
objects of trade appeared to be slaves. 

The principal articles given in exchange in trade by the 
people of Tombuctoo, are gold-dust, ivory, gum, cowries, 
ostrich feathers, and goat skins ; which latter they stain red 
and yellow. Adams has seen a full-grown slave bought 
for forty or fifty cowries. (34) He never saw the Negroes find 
any gold, but he understood that it was procured out of the 
mountains, and on the banks of the rivers, to the southward 
of Tombuctoo. 

The Negroes consume the tobacco both in snuff and for 
smoking; for the latter purpose they use pipes, the tubes 
of which are made of the leg bones of ostriches. 

The chief use to which they apply the tar brought by the 
Moors, is to protect the camels and other animals from the 
attacks of large green flies, which are very numerous, and • 
greatly distress them. Adams has sometimes seen tar-water 
mixed with the food of the natives as medicine, which 
made it so nauseous to his taste that he could not eat it. 

The Negroes, however, did not appear to have the same dis¬ 
like to it; from which he infers, that the use of tar-water in 
their food, was frequent, though he only saw it four or five 
times. None of the persons whom he saw using it were in 
bad health at the time. 

# 


G 


42 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


During the whole of Adams's residence at Tombuctoo, 
he never saw any other Moors than those whom he accom¬ 
panied thither, and the ten by whom they were ransomed; 
and he understood from the Moors themselves, that they 
were not allowed to go in large bodies to Tombuctoo.C 35 ) 
He did not see any mosque or large place of worship there; 
and he does not think that they had any. 

Neither Adams nor the Portuguese boy were ever sub¬ 
jected to any restraint whilst they remained at Tombuctoo. 
They were allowed as much food, and as often as they 
pleased; and were never required to work. In short, they 
never experienced any act of incivility or unkindness from 
any of the Negroes, except when they were taken prisoners 
in company with the Moors engaged in stealing them.( 3 <5) 
Adams could not hear that any white man but themselves 
had ever been seen in the place; and he believes, as well 
from what he was told by the Moors, as from the uncom¬ 
mon curiosity which he excited (though himself a very, dark 
man, with short curly black hair), that they never had 
seen one before/ 3 ?') , 

There was no fall of rain during his residence at Tom¬ 
buctoo, except a few drops just before his departure; and 
he understood from the Negroes that they had usually little 
or none, except during the three months of winter, which 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


43 


is the only season when the desert can be crossed, on 
account of the heat. (38) In some years, Adams was 
informed, when the season had been unusually dry, there 
was great distress at Tombuctoo for want of provisions : 
but no such want was felt whilst he was there. 

He never proceeded to the southward of Tombuctoo, 
further than about two miles from the town, to the moun¬ 
tains before spoken of; and he never saw the river Joliba: 
but he had heard it mentioned; and was told at Tudenny, 
that it lay between that place and Bambarra.(39) 

Being asked the names of any other places which he 
had heard mentioned, he recollected that the people of 
Tombuctoo spoke of Mutnougo , and of a very considerable 
place to the eastward called Tuarick , to which they traded. 
He had also often heard them mention Mandingo , and 
Bondou ; but he cannot recollect what was said respecting 
these places.* 

The following is a list of some of the words which 
Adams recollects in the language of Tombuctoo. ( 4 °) 

Man, - - Jungo. 

Woman, - - Jumpsa. 

Camel, - - So . 

* Adams mentioned Jinnie to me, amongst the towns which he had heard 
named by the Negroes of Tombuctoo, D. 


44 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


Dog, - 

Killab. 

Cow, - 

Bailee. 

Goat, - 

Luganam 

Sheep, 

Naidsh. 

Elephant, 

Elfeel. 

House, 

Dah. 

Water, 

Boca . 

Mountain, 

Kaddear. 

Tree, - 

Carna. 

Date Tree, 

Carna Tomar . 

Eig Tree, 

Carna Car moos. 

Gold, 

Or. 

A Moor, 

Seckar . 


CHAPTER III. 


Ransom of the imprisoned Moors and of Adams.—Departure from Tombuctoo. 
—Journey eastward along the River ; then northward to Taudeny—Traders 
in salt.—Taudeny—mixed Population of Moors and Negroes—Beds of Rock 
Salt—Preparations and Departure to cross the Sandy Desert.—Sufferings in 
the Desert.—Arrival at Woled Dleim—employment, and long detention 
there.—Refusal of Adams to attend to his tasks—He is punished for it; but 
perseveres—seizes an opportunity of escaping—is pursued; but reaches El 
Kabla—He is purchased by the Chief—Employed to tend the flocks of his 
Master’s Wives—Negotiates with Aisha, the younger wife, on the subject of 
Wages—their bargain, and its consequences—Adams flies and conceals him¬ 
self—is purchased by a Trader; and conveyed to Woled Aboussebah— 
—Woled Adrialla —Aiata Mouessa Ali.—He attempts to escape—is retaken ; 
and conveyed to Wed-noon. 

























































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r 47 ] 


CHAPTER III. 

The ten Moors who had arrived with the five camels laden 
with tobacco, had been three weeks at Tombuctoo before 
Adams learnt that, the ransom of himself, the boy, and the 
Moors his former companions, had been agreed upon. At 
the end of the first week he was given to understand, that 
himself and the boy would be released, but that the Moors 
would be condemned to die; it appeared, however, after¬ 
wards, that in consideration of all the tobacco being given 
for the Moors, except about fifty pounds weight, which was 
expended for a man slave, the King had agreed to release 
all the prisoners. 

Two days after their release, the whole party, consisting 
of the 

10 Moorish traders 
14 Moorish prisoners 
2 white men, and 
1 slave 

quitted Tombuctoo, having only the five camels which 


48 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


belonged to the traders ; those which were seized when 
Adams and his party were made prisoners not having been 
restored. As they had no means left of purchasing any 
other article, the only food they took with them was a little 
Guinea-corn flour. 

On quitting the town they proceeded in an easterly 
course, inclining to the north, going along the border of 
the river, of which they sometimes lost sight for two days 
together. They did not meet with any high trees; but on 
the banks of the river, which were covered with high grass, 
were a few low trees, and some shrubs of no great variety. 
Occasionally they came to a Negro hut. Except the two 
mountains before spoken of, to the southward, between 
which the river runs, there are none in the immediate 
neighbourhood ofTombuctoo; but at a little distance there 
are some small ones. 

They had travelled eastward about ten days, at the rate of 
about fifteen to eighteen miles a day, when they saw the river 
for the last time : it then appeared rather narrower than 
at Tombuctoo. They then loaded the camels with water, 
and striking off in a northerly direction, travelled twelve or 
thirteen days, at about the same pace. In the course of this 
journey they saw a great number of antelopes, rabbits, 
foxes, and wolves, and a bird somewhat larger than a 


/ 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


49 


fowl, which the Moors called Jize; * it appeared to Adams 
to be the same kind of bird known in America by the name 
of cuckoo. 

The soil was generally covered with shrubs, and a low 
kind of grass like moss. Trees were seldom seen, and 
those not large. From the time of quitting the river, the 
only persons whom they saw were Negro travellers carry¬ 
ing salt to Tombuctoo ; of whom they met parties of about 
ten or twelve almost every day with dromedaries, camels, 
and asses. 

At the end of the thirteen days they arrived at a place 
called Tudenny,'f a large village inhabited by Moors and 
Negroes, in which there are four wells of very excellent 
water. At this place there are large ponds or beds of salt, 
which both the Moors and Negroes come in great numbers 
to purchase, and date and fig-trees of a large size: in 
the neighbourhood the ground is cultivated in the same 
manner as at Tombuctoo. From the number of Moors, 
many if not not all of whom were residents, it appeared 
that the restriction respecting them, existing at Tombuctoo, 
did not extend to Tudenny. (*i) 

The salt beds which Adams saw were about five or six 

* Djez , is the Arabic name for the common domestic fowl. D. 

*}* Taudeny. D . 


H 


50 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


feet deep, and from twenty to thirty yards in circumference. 
The salt comes up in hard lumps mixed with earth, and 
part of it is red. 

The Moors here are perfectly black; the only personal 
distinction between them and the Negroes being, that the 
Moors had long black hair, and had no scars on their faces. 
The Negroes are in general marked in the same manner as 
those of Tombuctoo. Here the party staid fourteen days, 
to give the ransomed Moors, whose long confinement 
had made them weak, time to recruit their strength; and 
having sold one of the camels for two sacks of dates and 
a small ass, and loaded the four remaining camels with 
water, the dates, and the flour, (in the proportion of eight 
goat skins of water, or six skins of water and two bags of 
dates or flour, to each camel) they set out to cross the 
Desert,* taking a north-west direction. 

They commenced their journey from Tudenny about 
four o’clock in the morning, and having travelled the first 
day about twenty miles, they unloaded the camels, and lay 
down by the side of them to sleep. 

The next day they entered the Desert; over which they 
continued to travel in the same direction, nine and twenty 
days, without meeting a single human being. The whole 

* See Note, p. 14. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


51 


way was a sandy plain, like a sea, without either tree, shrub 
or grass. After travelling in this manner about fourteen 
days at the rate of sixteen or eighteen miles a day, the 
people began to grow very weak ; their stock of water began 
to run short; and their provisions were nearly exhausted. 
The ass died of fatigue; and its carcase was immediately 
cut up and laden on the camel, where it dried in the 
sun, and served for food; and had it not been for this 
supply, some of the party must have died of hunger. 
Being asked if asses' flesh was good eating, Adams replied ; 
“ It w T as as good to my taste then, as a goose would be 
“ now." 

In six days afterwards, during which their pace was 
slackened to not more than twelve miles a day, they arrived 
at a place where it was expected water would be found; 
but to their great disappointment, owing to the dryness of 
the season, the hollow place, of about thirty yards in cir¬ 
cumference, was found quite dry. 

All their stock of water at this time consisted of four 
goat skins, and those not full, holding from one to two 
gallons each ; and it was known to the Moors that they had 
then ten days further to travel before they could obtain a 
supply. 

In this distressing dilemma, it was resolved to mix the 


52 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


remaining water with camels' urine. The allowance of this 
mixture to each camel was only about a quart for the whole 
ten days : each man was allowed not more than about half 
a pint a day. 

The Moors who had been in confinement at Tombuctoo 
becoming every day weaker, three of them in the four 
following days lay dow r n, unable to proceed. They were 
then placed upon the camels : but continual exposure to 
the excessive heat of the sun, and the uneasy motion of the 
camels, soon rendered them unable to support themselves, 
and towards the end of the second day they made another 
attempt to pursue their journey on foot, but could not. The 
next morning at day break they were found dead on the 
sand, in the place where they had lain down at night, and 
were left behind without being buried. The next day 
another of them lay down; and, like his late unfortunate 
companions, was left to perish: but on the following day 
one of the Moors determined to remain behind, in the hope 
that he who had dropped the day before might still come 
up, and be able to follow the party: some provisions were 
left with him. At this time it was expected, what proved 
to be the fact, that they were within a day's march of their 
town: but neither of the men ever afterwards made his 
appearance; and Adams has no doubt that they perished. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


53 


Vied Duleim* (the place at which they now arrived) was 
a village of tents inhabited entirely by Moors, who from 
their dress, manners, and general appearance, seemed to 
be of the same tribe as those of the encampment to which 
Adams was conveyed from El Gazie. (42) They had 
numerous flocks of sheep and goats, and two watering 
places, near one of which their tents were pitched ; but the 
other lay nearly five miles off*. 

The first fortnight after the arrival of the party, was 
devoted to their recovery from the fatigues of the journey; 
but as soon as their strength was re-established, Adams and 
his companion were employed in taking care of goats and 
sheep. Having now begun to acquire a knowledge of the 
Moorish tongue, they frequently urged their masters to take 
them to Suerra; which the latter promised they would do, 
provided they continued attentive to their duty. 

Things, however, remained in this state for ten or eleven 
months, during which time they were continually occupied 
in tending the flocks of the Moors. They suffered severely 
from exposure to the scorching sun, in a state of almost 
utter nakedness; and the miseries of their situation were 
aggravated by despair of ever being released from slavery. 

The only food allowed to them was barley-flour, and 


* Woled D'leim. D. 


54 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


camels' and goats' milk ; but of the latter they had abund¬ 
ance. Sometimes they were treated with a few dates, which 
were a great rarity; there being neither date-trees nor trees 
of any other kind in the whole country round. But as the 
flock of goats and sheep consisted of a great number (from 
one hundred and fifty to two hundred), and as they were at 
a distance from the town, Adams and his companion some¬ 
times ventured to kill a kid for their own eating; and to 
prevent discovery of the fire used in cooking it, they dug a 
cave, in which the fire was made, covering the ashes with 
grass and sand. 

At length Adams, after much reflection on the miserable 
state in which he had been so long kept, and was likely to 
pass the remainder of his life, determined to remonstrate 
upon the subject. His master, whose name was Harriet 
Laubed, frankly replied to him, that as he had not been 
successful in procuring slaves, it was now his intention to 
keep him, and not, as he had before led him to expect, 
to take him to Suerra or Mogadore. Upon hearing this, 
Adams resolved not to attend any longer to the duty of 
watching the goats and sheep; and in consequence, the 
next day, several of the young goats were found to have 
been killed by the foxes. 

This led to an inquiry, whether Adams or the boy was 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE, 


55 


in fault; when it appearing that the missing goats were a 
part of Adams's flock, his master proceeded to beat him 
with a thick stick; which he resisted, and took away the 
stick; upon which a dozen Moors, principally women, 
attacked him, and gave him a severe beating. 

As, notwithstanding what had occurred, Adams persisted 
in his determination not to resume his task of tending the 
goats and sheep, his master was advised to put him to 
death; ( 43 ) but this he was not inclined to do, observing 
to his advisers, that he should thereby sustain a loss, and 
that if Adams would not work, it would be better to sell 
him. In the mean time he remained idle in the tent for 
about three days ; when he was asked by his master's wife, if 
he would go to the distant well to fetch a couple of skins of 
water, that being of a better quality ; to which he signified 
his consent, and went off the next morning on a camel with 
two skins to fetch the water. 

On his arrival at the other well, instead of procuring 
water, he determined to make his escape; and under¬ 
standing that the course to a place called Wadinoon, lay in 
a direction to the northward of west,* he passed the well, 

* This account of the relative bearings of Woled D’leim and Wed Noon is 
rather at variance with the details of Adams’s recollected course between those 
two places; but it accords very nearly with what is assumed in the map, on 
other grounds, to have been his real route. 


56 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


and pushing on in a northerly course, travelled the whole 
of that day; when the camel, which had been used to rest 
at night, and had not been well broke in, would not pro¬ 
ceed any further; and in spite of all the efforts Adams 
could make, it lay down with fatigue, having gone upwards 
of twenty miles without stopping. Finding there was no 
remedy, Adams took off the rope with which his clothes 
were fastened round his body, and as the camel lay with 
his fore-knee bent, he tied the rope round it in a way to 
prevent its rising, and then lay down by the side of it. 
This rope, which Adams had brought from Tombuctoo, was 
made of grass, collected on the banks of the river. The 
saddles of camels are made of the same material, inter¬ 
woven between a frame of sticks placed together in the 
form of a St. Andrew's cross, so as to fit the back of the 
animal. 

The next morning at day light he mounted again, and 
pushed on till about nine o'clock, when he perceived a 
smoke a-liead, which he approached. There was a small 
hillock between him and this place, ascending which, he 
discovered about forty or fifty tents pitched, and on looking 
back he saw two camels coming towards him, with a rider 
on each. Not knowing whether these were pursuers, or 
strangers going to the place in view, but being greatly 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


57 


alarmed, he made the best of his way forwards. On drawing 
near to the town, a number of women came out, and he 
observed about a hundred Moors standing in a row in the 
act of prayer, having their faces towards the east, and at 
times kneeling down, and leaning their heads to the ground. 
On the women discovering Adams, they expressed great 
surprise at seeing a white man. He inquifed of them the 
name of the place, and they told him it was Hilla Gibla, 
Soon afterwards the two camels, before spoken of, arriving, 
the rider of one of them proved to be the owner of the 
camel on which Adams had escaped, and the other his 
master. At this time Adams was sitting under a tent 
speaking to the Governor, whose name was Mahomet , 
telling him his story; they were soon joined by his two 
pursuers, accompanied by a crowd of people. 

Upon his master claiming him, Adams protested that he 
would not go back; that his master had frequently pro¬ 
mised to take him to Suerra, but had broken his promises; 
and that he had made up his mind either to obtain his 
liberty or die. Upon hearing both sides, the Governor 
determined in favour of Adams; and gave his master to 
understand, that if he was willing to exchange him for a 
bushel of dates and a camel, he should have them; but if 
not, he should have nothing. As Adams's master did not 

I 


3S 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


approve of these conditions, a violent altercation arose; 
but at length finding the Governor determined, and that 
better terms were not to be had, he accepted the first 
offer, and Adams became the slave of Mahomet. ( 44 ) 

The natives of Hilla Gibla* appeared to be better clothed, 
and a less savage race, than those of Vied Duleim, between 
whom there appeared to be great enmity; the Governor 
therefore readily interfered in favour of Adams, and at one 
time threatened to take away the camel and to put 
Mahomet Laubed himself to death. Another consideration 
by which the Governor was probably influenced, was, a 
knowledge of the value of a Christian slave, as an object 
of ransom, of which Mahomet Laubed seemed to be 
wholly ignorant. 

On entering the service of his new master, Adams was 
sent to tend camels, and had been so employed about a 
fortnight, when this duty was exchanged for that of taking 
care of goats. Mahomet had two wives who dwelt in 
separate tents, one of them an old woman, the other 
young: the goats which Adams was set to take care of, 
were of the property of the elder one. 

Some days after he had been so employed, the younger 
wife, whose name was Isha ,*f* proposed to him, that he 
* El Kalla, D. f Aisha. D. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


59 


should also take charge of her goats, for which she would 
pay him; and as there was no more trouble in tending two 
flocks than one, he readily consented. Having had charge 
of the two flocks for several days, without receiving the 
promised additional reward, he at length remonstrated; 
and after some negotiation on the subject of his claim, the 
matter was compromised, by the young woman's desiring 
him, when he returned from tending the goats at night, to 
go to rest in her tent. It was the custom of Mahomet to 
sleep two nights with the elder woman, and one with the 
other, and this was one of the nights devoted to the former. 
Adams accordingly kept the appointment; and about 
nine o'clock Isha came and gave him supper, and he 
remained in her tent all night. This was an arrangement 
which was afterwards continued on those nights which she 
did not pass with her husband. 

Things continued in this state about six months, and as 
his work was light, and he experienced nothing but kind 
treatment, his time passed pleasantly enough. One night 
his master’s son coming into the tent, discovered Adams 
with his mother-in-law, and informed his father, when a 
great disturbance took place: but upon the husband 
charging his wife with her misconduct, she protested that 
Adams had laid down in her tent without her knowledge or 


60 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


consent; and as she cried bitterly, the old man appeared 
to be convinced that sfie was not to blame. 

The old lady, however, declared her belief that the young 
one was guilty, and expressed her conviction that she should 
be able to detect her at some future time. 

For some days after, Adams kept away from the lady; 
but at the end of that time, the former affair appearing 
to be forgotten, he resumed his visits. One night the 
old woman lifted up the corner of the tent and discovered 
Adams with Isha ; and having reported it to her husband, 
he came with a thick stick, threatening to put him to 
death: Adams being alarmed, made his escape; and the 
affair having made a great deal of noise, an acquaintance 
proposed to Adams to conceal him in his tent, and to 
endeavour to buy him of the Governor. Some laughed at 
the adventure; others, and they by far the greater part, 
treated the matter as an offence of the most atrocious nature, 
Adams being 44 a Christian, who never prayed.” ( 4 5) 

As his acquaintance promised, in the event of becoming 
his purchaser, to take him to AVadinoon, Adams adopted 
his advice and concealed himself in his tent. For several 
days the old Governor rejected every overture; but at last 
he agreed to part with Adams for fifty dollars worth of 
goods, consisting of blankets and dates; and thus he became 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


61 


the property of Boerick , a trader, whose usual residence 
was at Hilla Gibbila. 

The girl (Isha) ran away to her mother. 

The next day, Boerick set out with a party of six men 
and four camels for a place called Villa cle Bousbach ,* ( 46 ) 
which they reached after travelling nine days at the rate of 
about eighteen miles a day; their course was north-east. 
On the route they saw neither houses nor trees, but the 
ground was covered with grass and shrubs. At this place 
they found about forty or fifty tents inhabited by Moors, 
and remained five or six days ; when there arrived a Moor 
from a place called Hieta Mouessa Ali, named Abdallah 
Houssa, a friend of Boerick, who informed him that it was 
usual for the British Consul at Mogadore to send to 
Wadinoon (where this man resided), to purchase the 
Christians who were prisoners in that country; and, that as 
he was about to proceed thither, he was willing to take 
charge of Adams, to sell him for account of Boerick; at 
the same time he informed Adams that there were other 
Christians at Wadinoon. This being agreed to by Boerick, 
his friend set out in a few days after, for Hieta Mouessa 
Ali, taking Adams with him. Instead, however, of going 


* Woled Aboussebdh, D. 


62 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


to that place, which lay due north,* they proceeded north- 
north-west, and as they had a camel each, and travelled 
very fast, the path being good, they went at the rate of 
twenty-five miles a day, and in six days reached a place 
called Villa Adrialla ,*j* where there were about twenty 
tents. This place appeared to be inhabited entirely by 
traders, who had at least five hundred camels, a great 
number of goats and sheep, and a few horses. The cattle 
were tended by Negro slaves. Here they remained about 
three weeks, until Abdallah had finished his business; and 
then set out for Hieta Mouessa Ali, where they arrived in 
three days. Adams believes that the reason of their tra¬ 
velling so fast during the last stage was, that Abdallah was 
afraid of being robbed, of which he seemed to have no 
apprehension after he had arrived at Villa Adrialla, and 
therefore they travelled from that place to Hieta Mouessa 
Ali at the rate of only about sixteen or eighteen miles a 
day ; their course being due north-west. 

Hieta Mouessa Ali% was the largest place Adams had 
seen in which there were no houses, there being not less 
than a hundred tents. Here was a small brook issuing 

* This bearing is not reconcileable with Adams’s subsequent course. 

*f* This should probably be Woled Adrialla; but I have no knowledge of 
the place. I). 

| Aiata Mouessa Ali. D. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


63 


from a mountain, being the only one he had seen except 
that at Soudenny.; but the vegetation was not more abun¬ 
dant than at other places. They remained here about a 
month; during which Adams was as usual employed in 
tending camels. As the time hung very heavy on his hands, 
and he saw no preparation for their departure for Wadi- 
noon, and his anxiety to reach that place had been very 
much excited by the intelligence that there were other 
Christians there, he took every opportunity of making- 
inquiry respecting the course and distance; and being at 
length of opinion that he might find his way thither, he 
one evening determined to desert; and accordingly he set 
out on foot alone, with a small supply of dried goats' 
flesh, relying upon getting a further supply at the villages, 
which he understood were on the road. He had travelled 
the whole of that night, and until about noon the next 
day without stopping; when he was overtaken by a party 
of three or four men on camels, who had been sent in 
pursuit of him. It seems they expected that Adams had 
been persuaded to leave Hieta Mouessa Ali, by some 
persons who wished to take him to Wadinoon for sale; and 
they were therefore greatly pleased to find him on foot, 
and alone. Instead of ill treating him as he apprehended 
they would do, they merely conducted him back to Hieta 


64 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


Mouessa Ali; from whence, in three or four days after¬ 
wards, Abdallah and a small party departed, taking him 
with them. They travelled five days in a north-west direc¬ 
tion at about sixteen miles a day, and at the end of the 
fifth day, reached Wadinoon; having seen no habitations 
on their route except a few scattered tents within a day’s 
journey of the town. 


CHAPTER IV. 


Description of Wed-Noon—where Adams finds three of the crew of the 
“ Charles: 1 — He is purchased by Bel-Cossim-Abdallah.—French Renegade. 

—Wreck of the Montezuma_Gunpowder Manufacture.—Curious Relation 

of a Negro Slave from Kanno.—Severe labours and cruel treatment of the 
Christian Slaves at Wed-Noon.—Adams is required to plough x>n the Sabbath 
day; refuses ; is cruelly beaten, and put in irons—his firmness ;—Inhuman 
treatment and death of Dolbie.—Williams and Davison, worn out by their 
sufferings, renounce their Religion—Adams perseveres—Letter from the 
British Vice-Consul at Mogadore, addressed to the Christian Slaves.— Ransom 
of Adams—Departure from Wed-Noon—Akkadia—Bled Cidi Heshem— 
Market of Cidi Hamet a Moussa—Agadeer, or Santa Cruz—Mogadore.— 
Adams is sent to the Moorish Emperor.—Fez—Mequinez—Tangier—Cadiz 
G ibraltar—London. 














v ' 

. 

' 

* 









[ 67 ] 


CHAPTER IV. 

Wad inoon* was the first place at which Adams had seen 
houses after he quitted Tudeny. It is a small town, con¬ 
sisting of about forty houses, and some tents. The former 
are built chiefly of clay, intermixed with stone in some 
parts; and several of them have a story above the ground 
floor. The soil in the neighbourhood of the town was better 
cultivated than any he had yet seen in Africa, and appeared 
to produce plenty of corn and tobacco. There were also 
date and fig-trees in the vicinity, as well as a few grapes, 
apples, pears, and pomegranates. Prickly pears flourished 
in great abundance. 

The Christians whom Adams had heard of, whilst residing 
at Hieta Mouessa Ali, and whom he found at Wadinoon, 
proved to be, to his great satisfaction, his old companions 
Stephen Dolbie , the mate, and James Davison and Thomas 
Williams , two of the seamen of the Charles. They informed 
him that they had been in that town upwards of twelve 
months, and that they were the property of the sons of the 
Governor. ( 4 7) 


* Wed-Noon. D. 


68 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


Soon after Adams's arrival at Wadinoon, Abdallah 
offered him for sale to the Governor, or Shieck, called 
Amedallah Salem , who consented to take him upon trial; 
but after remaining about a week at the Governor's house, 
Adams was returned to his old master, as the parties could 
not agree about the price. He was at length, however, 
sold to Belcassam Abdallah ,* for seventy dollars in trade, 
payable in blankets, gunpowder and dates.( 48 ) 

The only other white resident at Wadinoon was a 
Frenchman, who informed Adams that he had been wrecked 
about twelve years before, on the neighbouring coast, and 
that the whole of the crew except himself, had been 
redeemed. He further stated, that a vessel called (as Adams 
understood him) the Agezuma-f from Liverpool, commanded 
by Captain Harrison, had been wrecked about four years 
before, and that the Captain and nearly the whole of the 
crew had been murdered. (49) This man had turned 
Mohammedan, and was named Absalom; he had a wife 
and child and three slaves, and gained a good living by 
the manufacture of gunpowder. Adams has often seen 
him employed in making it, by pounding brimstone in a 
wooden mortar, and grinding charcoal by hand between 
two stones, in the manner of grinding grain. The final 


* Bd-Cossim-Abdallah. D. 


■f* Montezuma. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


69 


process of mixing he performed in a room by himself, not 
being willing to let any person see how it was done. He 
lived in the same house as the person who had been his 
master, who, upon his renouncing his religion, gave him his 
liberty. ( 50 ) 

Among the Negro slaves at Wadinoon was a woman, 
who said she came from a place called Kanno , a long 
way across the Desert, and that she had seen in her own 
country, white men, as white as “ bather,” meaning the 
wall, and in a large boat with two high sticks in it, with 
cloth upon them, and that they rowed this boat in a 
manner different from the custom of the Negroes, who use 
paddles: in stating this, she made the motion of rowing with 
oars, so as to leave no doubt that she had seen a vessel 
in the European fashion, manned by white people. ( 51 J 

The work in which Adams was employed at Wadinoon, 
was building walls, cutting down shrubs to make fences, 
and working in the corn lands or in the plantations of 
tobacco, of which great quantities are grown in the neigh¬ 
bourhood. It was in the month of August that he arrived 
there, as he was told by the Frenchman before spoken of; 
the grain had been gathered; but the tobacco was then 
getting in, at which he was required to assist. His labour at 
this place was extremely severe. On the Moorish sabbath, 


70 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


which was also their market-day, the Christian slaves were 
not required to labour, unless on extraordinary occasions, 
when there was any particular work to do which could not 
be delayed. In these intervals of repose, they had oppor¬ 
tunities of meeting and conversing together; and Adams 
had the melancholy consolation of finding that the lot of his 
companions had been even more severe than his own. It 
appeared that on their arrival, the Frenchman before men¬ 
tioned, from some unexplained motive, had advised them 
to refuse to work; and the consequence was, that they had 
been cruelly beaten and punished, and had been made to 
work hard and live hard, their only scanty food being 
barley flour, and Indian-corn flour. However, on extraor¬ 
dinary occasions, and as a great indulgence, they sometimes 
obtained a few dates. 

In this wretched manner Adams and his fellow captives 
lived until the June following; when a circumstance 
occurred which had nearly cost the former his life. His 
master's son, Harneda Bel Cossim, having, one sabbath day, 
ordered Adams to take the horse and go to plough, the latter 
refused to obey him, urging that it was not the custom of 
any slaves to work on the sabbath day, and that he was 
intitled to the same indulgence as the rest. Upon which 
Harneda went into the house and fetched a cutlass, aid 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


as 

then demanded of Adams, whether he would go to plough 
or not. Upon his reply that he would not, Hameda struck 
him on the forehead with the cutlass, and gave him a severe 
wound over the right eye, and immediately Adams knocked 
him down with his fist. This was no sooner done than 
Adams was set upon by a number of Moors, who beat him 
with sticks in so violent a manner that the blood came out 
of his mouth, two of his double teeth were knocked out, 
and he was almost killed; and he thinks they would have 
entirely killed him had it not been for the interference of 
Boadick, the Shieck's son, who reproached them for their 
cruelty, declaring that they had no right to compel Adams 
to work on a market-day. The next morning Hameda's 
mother, named Moghtari, came to him, and asked him how 
he dared to lift his hand against a Moor ? to which Adams, 
being driven to desperation by the ill treatment he had 
received, replied that he would even take his life if it were 
in his power. Moghtari then said, that unless he would 
kiss Hameda's hands and feet, he should be put in irons; 
which he peremptorily refused to do. Soon after Hameda's 
father came to Adams and told him, unless he did kiss his 
son's feet and hands, he must be put in irons. Adams 
then stated to him, that he could not submit to do so; that 
it was “ contrary to his religion"* to kiss the hands and 

* Adams’s expression. 


72 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


feet of any person; that in his own country he had never 
been required to do it; and that whatever might be the 
consequence, he would not do it. Finding he would not 
submit, the old man ordered that he should be put in irons, 
and accordingly they fastened his feet together with iron 
chains, and did the same by his hands. After he had 
remained in this state about ten days, Moghtari came to 
him again, urging him to do as required, and declaring 
that if he did not, he should never see the Christian country 
again: Adams, however, persevered in turning a deaf ear 
to her entreaties and threats. Some time afterwards, finding 
that close confinement was destructive of his health, 
Hameda came to him, and took the irons from his hands. 
The following three weeks he remained with the irons on 
his legs, during which time, repeated and pressing en¬ 
treaties, and the most dreadful threats, were used to induce 
him to submit; but all to no purpose. He was also fre¬ 
quently advised by the mate and the other Christians (who 
used to be sent to him for the purpose of persuading him), 
to submit, as he must otherwise inevitably lose his life. At 
length, finding that neither threats nor entreaties would 
avail, and Adams having remained in irons from June till 
the beginning of August, and his sufferings having reduced 
him almost to a skeleton, his master was advised to sell 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


73 


him, as if longer confined, he would certainly die, and thus 
prove a total loss. Influenced by this consideration, his 
master at last determined to release him from his confine¬ 
ment ; but though very weak, the moment he was liberated 
he was set to gathering in the corn. (52) 

About a week afterwards, Dolbie , the mate, fell sick. 
Adams had called to see him, when Dolbie's master (named 
Brahim, a son of the Shieck) ordered him to get up and go 
to work ; and upon Dolbie declaring that he was unable, 
Brahim beat him with a stick to compel him to go; but as 
he still did not obey, Brahim threatened that he would kill 
him; and upon Dolbie’s replying that he had better do so 
at once than kill him by inches, Brahim stabbed him in 
the side with a dagger, and he died in a few minutes. As 
soon he was dead, he was taken by some slaves a short 
distance from the town, where a hole was dug, into which 
he was thrown without ceremony. As' the grave was not 
deep, and as it frequently happened that corpses after 
burial were dug out of the ground by the foxes, Adams 
and his two surviving companions went the next day and 
covered the grave with stones. ( 53 ) 

As the Moors were constantly urging them to become 
Mohammedans, and they were unceasingly treated with 
the greatest brutality, the fortitude of Williams and Davison 

L 


74 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


being exhausted, they at last unhappily consented to re¬ 
nounce their religion, and were circumcised; and thus 
obtained their liberty; after which they were presented 
with a horse, a musket, and a blanket each, and permitted 
to marry; no Christian being allowed at any of the places 
inhabited by Moors, to take a wife, or to cohabit with a 
Moorish woman. 

As Adams was the only remaining Christian at Wadi- 
noon, he became in a more especial manner an object of 
the derision and persecution of the Moors, who were con¬ 
stantly upbraiding and reviling him, and telling him that 
his soul would be lost unless he became a Mohammedan, 
insomuch that his life was becoming intolerable;^ 4 ) when, 
only three days after Williams and Davison had renounced 
their religion, a letter was received from Mr. Joseph 
Dupuis , British Consul at Mogadore, addressed to the 
Christian prisoners at Wadinoon, under cover to the 
Governor; in which the Consul, after exhorting them most 
earnestly not to give up their religion, whatever might befal 
them, assured them that within a month, he should be able 
to procure their liberty. Davison heard the letter read 
apparently without emotion, but Williams became so 
agitated, that he let it drop out of his hands, and burst into 
a flood of tears. ( 55 ) 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


75 


From this time Adams experienced no particular ill 
treatment; but he was required to work as usual. About 
a month more elapsed, when the man who brought the 
letter, who was a servant of the British Consul, disguised 
as a trader, made known to Adams that he had succeeded 
in procuring his release; and the next day they set out 
together for Mogadore. 

On quitting Wadinoon, (where Adams is confident he 
stayed more than twelve months; the second year's crop of 
tobacco having been completely got in before his departure) 
they proceeded in a northerly direction, travelling on 
mules at the rate of thirty miles a day, and in fifteen days* 
arrived at Mogadore. The first night they stopped at a 
village called Akkadia, situated at the foot of a high 
mountain. Here, for the first time, Adams saw olive trees, 
and palm trees from the nuts of which oil is extracted. The 
place consisted of about twenty houses; some of them 
two stories high. Having slept there, they set out the next 
morning at four o'clock, and the following day about 
sun-set reached another village, the name of which he does 
not remember. Here were only a few houses, but a great 
many tents, and in the neighbourhood large fields of wheat, 

* The detail of Adams’s course from Wed-Noon to Mogadore, makes only 
thirteen days. 


76 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


Indian-corn, and barley. Adams thinks this place was all 
the property of one man. 

The place at which they next stopped, having travelled 
that day in a north-east direction, was the residence of a 
great warrior named Cidi Heshem , who had with him 
upwards of six hundred black men and Moors, most of 
them armed with muskets, which they kept in excellent 
order. Adams was informed that he admitted into his 
service any runaway Negroes or Moors; to whom he gave 
liberty on condition of their entering into his service. 
He appeared to be very rich: having numerous camels, 
goats, sheep, and horned cattle, and abundance of piece 
goods of various kinds, as also shoes and other manufac¬ 
tures which were exposed for sale in shops kept by Jews. 
The place was called after its owner, Bled de Cidi Heshem , 
in the district of Suz, and to the best of Adams’s recollec¬ 
tion, contained from twenty to thirty houses. Here he saw 
a great quantity of silver money, principally dollars. Cidi 
Heshem was at war with the Emperor of Morocco. ( 56 ) 

After staying one night and part of the next day, Adams 
and his companion proceeded on their journey; and the 
following night slept at a place where there were only two 
huts. The next day they arrived at a place of a similar 
description, and then set out, expecting to arrive at a large 


ROBERT ADAMS'S NARRATIVE. 


77 


town, situate on a high hill by the sea side named in 
English Santa Cruz , (where he was told, formerly a British 
Consul resided), but called by the Moors Agadeer. They 
did not, however, get so far; but reached a place called 
Cidi Mahomeda Moussa ,* situate in a wide sandy plain, 
where the harvest being just got in, the inhabitants were 
holding a market, at which there appeared to be assembled 
not less than four thousand persons from all quarters, who 
had goods of all descriptions for sale. This market,-he was 
told, is held once a year, and lasts for five days. Here 
Adams's companion was met by several persons of his 
acquaintance, who seemed greatly delighted at his success 
in effecting his (Adams's) liberation: some of them spoke 
English. 

After remaining there one day, they set out again on 
their journey, and by one o'clock reached Agadeer. As 
soon as they arrived, the Governor sent for Adams, and 
said to him in the Moorish language, “ now, my lad, you 
6< may consider yourself safe." He afterwards made par¬ 
ticular inquiry as to the treatment Adams had met with ; 
and on being told with what inhumanity he had been used 

* There is a sanctuary near Santa Cruz, called Cidi Mohammed Monsoul , 
but Adams appears to have confounded it, (probably from the similarity of the 
names) with Cidi Hamet a Moussa. See Note 56. D. 


78 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


at Wadinoon, the Governor said lie well knew their manner 
' of treating Christians ; but that they were savages, and not 
subjects of the Emperor: he added, that having the good 
fortune now to be in the dominions of the Emperor, Adams 
might rest satisfied that he was perfectly safe, and would 
meet with nothing but good treatment; an assurance that 
afforded him the greatest satisfaction, although ever since 
his departure from Wadinoon he had felt a confident belief 
that his complete deliverance was at hand. The next day 
they resumed their journey, and from this time travelled 
northerly for five days without meeting with any other 
habitation than occasional huts. About twelve o’clock on 
the fifth day, ascending a hill, they discovered the town of 
Mogadore beneath them, and square rigged vessels lying in 
the harbour; the sight of which, says Adams, “ I can no 
“ otherwise describe than by saying, I felt as if a new life 
“ had been given to me/" In about half an hour afterwards 
they entered the town, and immediately went to the house 
of the Governor, who sent Adams to Mr. Dupuis, the 
British Consul; by whom he was received into his house, 
and treated with the utmost kindness. “ Never," says 
Adams, “ shall I forget the kindness of this good gentleman, 
“ who seemed to study how to make me comfortable and 
“ happy.” 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


79 


On the arrival of Adams at Mogadore, it appeared to be 
the wish of the Governor to send him to the Emperor; but 
to this Mr. Dupuis objected, and Adams remained with 
him the following eight months; in the course of which 
time, Mr. Dupuis frequently interrogated him upon the 
subject of the several places at which he had been in Africa, 
and sent for travellers for the purpose of comparing their 
statements with those given by him; ( 5 ?) after which he 
expressed a strong desire that Adams should come to 
England for the purpose of giving an account of his travels, 
as he said many gentlemen would be glad to receive it. 
But as England and America were then at war, Adams 
was apprehensive lest he might be made a prisoner, and 
therefore declined the pressing offers and solicitations of the 
Consul that he should take his passage in an English vessel, 
bound to London. Finding Adams thus averse from going 
to England, and the only vessels which were lying at 
Mogadore being bound thither, Mr. Dupuis wrote to the 
Emperor of Morocco, and also to Mr. Simpson the 
British* Consul at Tangier with the view of procuring per¬ 
mission for Adams to go to Tangier, from whence he 
hoped he might get a passage by some Spanish vessel to 
Cadiz. This being at length agreed to, Adams took leave 
* Mr.- Simpson was American Consul. D. 


so 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


of Mr. Dupuis in the month of April, 1814, who sent him 
under the protection of two Moorish soldiers, to Fez , the 
residence of the Emperor. ( 58 ) 

They travelled on mules; but as they stopped two days 
at L’Arrache * and travelled but slowly, it was eighteen 
days before they arrived at Fez. On their arrival the 
Emperor was absent at Mequinez , and they accordingly 
proceeded thither the next day, and went to the house of 
Doctor Manuel, a Portuguese physician, who informed the 
Emperor of Adams’s arrival. Adams was then ordered 
into the presence of the Emperor, who first asked him of 
what country he was; he replied, “ an Englishman. He 
then inquired into the treatment he had met with, and 
whether he liked the Moors as well as the Europeans, to 
which Adams answered, “ No.” The Emperor then ordered 
that Adams should be taken to the Governor; who, the 
next day, sent him in the charge of two soldiers to Tangier, 
where, travelling on mules, they arrived in three days. 

Immediately upon his arrival at Tangier , Adams was 
presented to the Governor, and then conveyed to the 

* Adams has evidently forgotten the situation of El Araische. He could 
not have touched there on his journey from Mogadore to Fez; though he 
might very probably pass through it on his way from Mequinez to Tangier. 
The place he alludes to must be either Rhabatt or Sallee. D. 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


81 


Consul, Mr. Simpson ; who two days afterwards procured 
him a passage on board a Spanish schooner bound to 
Cadiz, (59) where he arrived the next day, being the 17th 
of May, 1814, making three years and seven months , (go) 
since he was wrecked in the Charles; during which 
period, except from the effect of the severe beating he 
received at Wadinoon, and the weakness produced by his 
long confinement at that place in irons, he never was sick 
a single day. 

After remaining about fourteen months at Cadiz as a 
servant or groom, in the service of Mr. Hall, an English 
merchant there; peace having in the mean time been re¬ 
stored ; Adams was informed by the American Consul that 
he had now an opportunity of returning to his native 
country with a cartel, or transport of American seamen, 
which was on the point of sailing from Gibraltar. He 
accordingly proceeded thither ; but arrived two days after 
the vessel had sailed. Soon afterwards he engaged himself 
on board a Welsh brig lying at Gibraltar, in which he sailed 
to Bilboa, from whence the brig took a cargo of wool to 
Bristol; and, after discharging it there, was proceeding in 
ballast to Liverpool. But having been driven into Holy- 
head by contrary winds, Adams there fell sick, and was put 
on shore. From this place he begged his way up to 


82 


ROBERT ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 


London, where he arrived about the middle of October, 
completely destitute; and had slept two or three nights in 
the open streets, before he was accidentally met by a gen¬ 
tleman, who had seen him in Mr. Hall’s service at Cadiz, 
and was acquainted with his history; by whom he was 
directed to the office of the African Committee. 


END OF THE NARRATIVE. 


NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS 


OF 


ADAMS’S NARRATIVE. 










- 


NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Note 1, p. 6. 

I do not recollect to have heard any suspicion stated 
either by Adams or others of the crew of the “ Charles," 
that the Captain was really bound to any other place 
than the Isle of May, or some other of the Cape de Verd 
Islands; but the ship’s name, the owners, captain, crew 
and cargo, agree precisely with the statements which 
were made to me at Mogadore. Z>. 

Note p. 8. 

El Gazie (the g strongly guttural) has been described to 
me by Arabs who have occasionally visited that part of the 





86 


El Gazie.—Shipwrecks. 


[Note 2. 


coast, chiefly for the purpose of sharing or purchasing the 
plunder of such vessels as may be cast on shore:—which 
misfortune but too frequently happens to those who do not 
use the precaution of keeping a good offing; for most parts 
of this desert coast are so low, and the weather is here in 
general so hazy, as to preclude a distant view of the 
shore. 

The Douar (by which word I mean a village of tents, 
and which I shall accordingly so use hereafter, in speaking, 
of the encamped residences of the Arabs) is here scarcely 
deserving of the name; consisting, as I have been told, 
only of a few scattered tents, inhabited by a small commu¬ 
nity of poor and miserable Arabs, whose manner of living,, 
dress and appearance, are doubtless such as Adams here 
describes; and who, residing chiefly, if not entirely, on the 
sea-coast, become the first possessors of the valuables and 
surviving crews of such vessels as here suffer shipwreck. 

As soon as such an event is known in the Desert, their 
Douar becomes a mart, to which Arabs from all parts of 
the interior resort for trade; and it even not unfrequently 
happens, that when the news of such a catastrophe reaches 
the southern provinces of Barbary, the native traders of 
Santa Cruz, Mogadore, and their districts, make long 
journeys for the same purpose, and frequently bring back 


]Note 2.} 


Shipivrecks. 


87 


valuable articles saved from the wreck, which they purchase 
from the ignorant natives as things of no value. In this 
manner, I have been informed of superfine cloths being 
bought at half-a-dollar the cubit measure. Occasionally 
also I have seen Bank of England notes, which I was 
assured cost a mere trifle; the purchaser only knowing their 
value. Watches, trinkets, wearing apparel, muslins, silks, 
linens, &c. are gladly disposed of for dates, horses, camels, 
their favourite blue linens (baftas) or any of the few articles 
which are felt by these poor people to be immediately 
serviceable in their wretched w r ay of living. They are, 
however, more tenacious of the fire-arms, cutlasses, pikes, 
cordage, bits of old iron, spike nails, and copper, upon 
which they set great value, and therefore seldom part with 
them. 

This is the common mode of transacting the trade of a 
wreck. However, it not unfrequently happens that when 
the crew and cargo fall into the possession of any tribe of 
insignificant note, the latter are invaded by one of their 
more powerful neighbours, who either strip them by force 
of all their collected plunder, or compel them, through 
fear, to barter it at rates far beneath its estimated value. 
In either case, whether obtained by purchase or by force, 
the Arabs load their camels with the spoil, and return to 


88 


Shipwrecks.—French Renegade. [Notes 2, 3. 


their homes in the Desert, driving the unfortunate Christians 
before them. The latter, according to the interest of their 
new masters, are sold again or bartered to others; often to 
Arabs of a different tribe, and are thus conveyed in various 
directions across the Desert, suffering every degree of 
hardship and severity, which the cruelty, caprice or self- 
interest of their purchasers may dictate. D, 

Note 3, p. 10. 

At the very time that Adams was making this statement 
relative to the Frenchman who had escaped from the 
Canary Islands, Mr. John Barry, a merchant of Teneriffe, 
accidentally entered the room: and upon being asked 
whether he had ever heard of such a circumstance, he 
stated that between four and five years ago, some French 
prisoners did make their escape from Santa Cruz in a 
boat belonging to Canary, and that it was afterwards 
reported they had run their vessel on shore on the Coast of 
Africa, and had been seized and carried into captivity by 
the Moors. 

It can hardly be doubted that the man of whom Adams 
speaks, was one of them. 


Notes 4, S, 6.] Death of the Captain.—Agadeer Doma. 


89 


Note 4 , p. 11. 

I perfectly recollect that the fact of the Captain's death, 
was mentioned to me by others of the Charles's crew who 
were ransomed at Mogadore, as well as by Adams; but 
I do not think that I was told he was murdered; only that 
he died from disease, want of nourishment, and severe 
treatment. D. 

Note 5,p. 13. 

Adams should have said Agadeer Doma. This proposition 
made by the mate to the Arabs, to convey the Christians 
to Senegal, was related to me, as well by Adams, as by 
others of the crew who were ransomed. The Arabs, I 
was told, had frequent consultations together; apparently 
to determine how they should dispose of their prisoners: 
after which, as if to raise the spirits of the sailors, they 
would point with their fingers to the north, or north-north¬ 
east ; saying many words, which they (the sailors) did not 
understand, and frequently repeating the words Suerra 
and Sultan. D. 

Note 6, p. 13. 

In the spring of 1811, at which time, and until the 
breaking out of the war between Great Britain and the 
United States, I held the commission of Agent for the 
American Consulate at Mogadore, (under James Simpson 

N- 


90 


Ransom of three Sailors. — Soudenny. [Notes 6, 7. 


Esq. Consul General of the United States at Tangier), 
three of the Charles's crew, named Nicholas , Newsham , 
and Nelson , were brought to me at Mogadore by an Arab 
of the tribe of Woled Ahoussehah , for the purpose of bar¬ 
gaining for their ransom; which, after some difficulties 
described in a subsequent Note, I effected. These men 
related to me the circumstances of their shipwreck, almost 
precisely in the same terms in which they were afterwards 
described to me by Adams, and as they are described in 
the Narrative. They also informed me that Adams (or 
Rose) and another of the crew had been purchased from 
the Arabs, who first made them prisoners, by a party 
who came from the eastward, and who had carried him 
into the Desert in that direction. D . 

Note 7, p . 15. 

Soudenny has been described to me as a Negro town or 
village bordering on the Desert: and I am credibly 
informed by traders, that it is a practice of the neighbour¬ 
ing Arabs to resort to the habitations of the Negroes on 
the confines of the Desert, for the purpose of stealing and 
carrying them away into slavery. This, however, is not 
the common method of procuring slaves; for it is attended 
with great personal risk, as Adams here relates. During 


Note 7.] 


Soudenny. 


91 


my residence in South Barbary, I have frequently inquired 
of different Negro slaves the manner of their falling into 
the hands of the Arabs; and many have assured me that 
they were stolen by them from their own country, and 
not regularly purchased at the slave marts. _D. 

According to Adams's statement of his route, Soudenny 
may be supposed to lie about the 6th degree of west longi¬ 
tude and the 16th of north latitude. This situation will fall 
very near the northern confines of Bambarra, where they 
approach, (if they do not actually touch) the Desert, on the 
eastern borders of Ludamar. It also approaches close to 
the line of Park's route in his first journey, when endea¬ 
vouring to escape from the Moors of Benown : and we 
are consequently enabled to derive from Park's descrip¬ 
tions, materials for estimating in some degree, the pro¬ 
bability of what Adams says respecting Soudenny. 

Referring therefore to Park's account of this part of 
Africa, we find him drawing a* melancholy picture of the 
sufferings of its Negro inhabitants from the plundering 
incursions of Moorish Banditti; on which excursions he 
says, (4to. Ed. p. 159), “ they will seize upon the Negroes' 
44 cattle, and even on the inhabitants themselves." On 
arriving at Sampaka, in Ludamar, he says, p.. 119, “ the 


92 


Soudenny .— Woollo and Fatima . [Notes 7, 8. 


66 towns-people informed us that a party of Moors had 
44 attempted to steal some cattle from the town in the 
44 morning, but had been repulsed/' He describes the 
Foulahs of Wassiboo, who are extensive cultivators of corn, 
as 44 obliged for fear of ihe Moors to carry their arms 
44 with them to the fields/' See page 187- And in the 
next page he says, on approaching SatilS , 44 the people, 
44 who were employed in the corn-fields, took us for Moors, 
44 and ran screaming away from us. When we arrived at 
44 the town, we found the gates shut, and the people all 
44 under arms." 

The places here mentioned are in the immediate vicinity 
of each other; and occur in that part of the line of Park's 
travels, which lies nearest to the presumed situation of 
Soudenny. The details, therefore, afford the nearest evi¬ 
dence which can at present be obtained, by which to 
estimate the probability of this part of Adams's story; and 
it is presumed that stronger circumstantial corroboration 
of it, will hardly be thought necessary. 

Note 8, p. 21. 

Woollo , which is a Negro, and not a Moorish appellative, 
occurs in a Note on Isaaco's Journal (4to. p. 203) as 
the name of a former King of Bambarra, the father 


Note 8.] 


Woollo and Fatima. 


98 


of Man song : but the probability of Adams's statement 
in this passage is more immediately corroborated by Mr. 
Jackson; who assures his readers that there was a King 
Woollo, actually reigning at Tombuctoo in the year 1800. 
Mr. Jackson further states, that this same King of Tom¬ 
buctoo was also sovereign of Bambarra; in which respect, 
however, (as in many other instances where he relies on 
African authority) it is apparent that he was misinformed; 
for the name of the sovereign of Bambarra from the year 
1795 to 1805 inclusive,, (the dates of Park's journeys) was 
certainly Mansong. Nevertheless it is very possible that 
Woollo, of whom Mr. Jackson heard in 1800, and whom 
Adams saw in 1811, as King of Tombuctoo, was one of the 
numerous tributaries of the sovereign of Bambarra; and 
that this connection between the two states may have led 
to the report that they had jointly, but one King. 

The name of Fatima affords, in itself, no proof that its 
possessor was a Moorish or even a Mohammedan woman : 
for Park, in speaking of another Negro sovereign, (the 
King of Bondou), says “ this monarch was called Almami, 
“ a Moorish name; although I was told that he was not a 
“ Mahomedan, but a Kafir or Pagan." 1st. Journey, 4to. 
p. 53. 


94 


Dress. 


[Note 9. 


Note 9, p. 22. 

I have always understood the articles of dress at 
Timbuctoo* to be mtrch the same as Adams here describes. 
I have also been told, that the inhabitants occasionally 
wear the alhaik of Barbary (with which they are supplied 
by the Moorish and Arab traders), after the fashion of the 
inhabitants of the Barbary states; but that this mode of 
dress is not very prevalent. I have been assured that the 
cotton tree grows spontaneously in many parts of Soudan, 
and that the clothes of the natives generally, are of that 
material, manufactured by themselves. Judging from the 
specimens of their cottons which I have seen, they must 
be good spinners and weavers. Their shirts, which are of a 
fine texture, are imported by the caravans into the Barbary 
states, and are much valued by the Arabs and Moors on 
account of the regularity and strength of the thread. Many 
of them are interwoven in particular parts with silk. These 
shirts, which I have frequently seen, are much in the shape 
of a waggoner's frock, supposing it to be longer, fuller, and 
without sleeves: they are either white, or simply blue, or 
blue and white in various shades. 

This I have alwajrs understood to be the principal dress 

* This city was invariably called Timbuctoo, by all the traders and slaves 
with whom I have conversed respecting it. D. 


Notes 9, 10.] Dress. — King's House , Sfc. 95 

of what may be termed the middle class of Negroes; 
possibly of the Chiefs also : but the poor are represented to 
be clothed simply round the waist with a cotton wrapper, 
more or less coarse, according to the means of the wearer, 
which either hangs down loose, or is twisted between their 
legs and girt round their loins. Z). 

Note 10, p. 23. 

With respect to the enclosure of the King's palace, into 
which Adams says the foreign merchandize is carried, for 
the payment (as he thinks) of duties, what I have heard 
from Moorish traders with reference to such a place, is 
briefly this; that the palace of the King of Timbuctoo is 
situated in what they call the kusba , or citadel, in the 
centre of the town; which being a place of security, the 
traders naturally deposit their effects therein, and even 
inhabit a part of it; and that duties, (the nature and rate of 
which I do not recollect) are exacted by the King on all 
merchandize brought by strangers. 

With respect to the King's palace, and the houses 
generally, I have been informed that they are only one 
story high, It has also been stated to me that there are 
shops in the city, which the Negroes frequent for the 
purchase of foreign and domestic commodities; and that 


96 King's House , tyc. — Muskets. [Notes 10, 1L 

natives of all parts of Soudan may be seen there, many of 
them entirely naked. 

The country, without the gates of the enclosure or citadel 
noticed above, is represented to be thickly covered with 
the hovels or huts of the natives as far as the eye can 
reach; especially in the direction of the river, to the 
banks of which these habitations extend, deserving, in fact, 
the name of a town. D. 

From Park's description (1st. Journey, 4to. p. 22) the 
palace of the King of Bondou appears to be a structure 
very much resembling that described by Adams at Tom- 
buctoo. 

44 All the houses," he says, 44 belonging to the King and 
44 his family, are surrounded by a lofty mud wall, which 
44 converts the whole into a kind of citadel. The interior 
44 is subdivided into different courts." 

Note 11, p. 23. 

I perfectly recollect that Adams told me at Mogadore of 
these muskets which he had seen in the King's house at 
Timbuctoo; and at the same time that fire arms were not 
used by the inhabitants; which agrees with what I have 
heard from other quarters. 


Notes 11,12. J 


Muskets. — Houses, 


9T 


In the northern regions of the Desert, I have always 
understood that double-barrelled guns are in common use; 
and Park mentions them even on the south and south¬ 
western confines of the Desert: but the arms of the Arabs 
bordering on the Negroes of Timbuctoo, have been 
described to me by the traders, to consist of javelins, 
swords and daggers. D. 

Note 12, p. 25. 

As far as I can recollect, the description, which I received 
from Adams in Barbary of the houses of Timbuctoo, was 
more detailed than- that in the Narrative. There were, 
. he said, two distinct sorts of habitations; the houses of 
the Chiefs and wealthier Negroes, and the huts of the 
poor. The former (as well as the palace of the King,) he 

* 

described as having walls of clay, or clay and sand, 
rammed into a wooden case or frame, and placed in 
layers one above another until they attained the height 
required; the roof being composed of poles or rafters 
laid horizontally, and covered with a cement or plaister 
of clay and sand. The huts of the poorer people are 
constructed merely of the branches of trees stuck into the 
ground in circles, bent, and lashed together at the top. 
This frame is then covered with a sort of matting made of 

0 


98 


Houses.—La Mar Zarah. \_Notes 12, 13 


a vegetable substance which he called grass, but which, 
from his description appeared to be the palmeta (called 
dome by the Arabs), and the hut, I think he told me, was 
afterwards covered with clay. 

This description corresponds in all respects with those 
which I have received from the Arab and Moorish 
traders. D. 

Note 13, p. 25. 

I do not at all recollect either by what name Adams 
spoke of the river of Timbuctoo, when he mentioned it to 
me at Mogadore, or that I have ever heard it called La 
Mar Zarah , by any of the traders with whom I have con¬ 
versed. If I were to hazard a conjecture on so uncertain 
a subject, I might suppose that Adams had made a slight 
mistake in repeating this name; and that he should have 
said, El Bahar Sahara , which in Arabic would mean the 
Desert Sea , or the River of the Desert. His pronunciation 
of Arabic was at all times indistinct, and often quite 
incorrect; and I remember other words in which he inter¬ 
changed the sound of different consonants in the manner 
that I have here supposed. However, La Mar Zarah may 
very possibly be the name of the river in the language of 
the Negroes. 

Another question here suggests itself, whether the river 


Note IB.] 


La Mar Zarah. 


99 


mentioned by Adams is really the great river Niger; or 
whether it is only a branch of it flowing from the south¬ 
east parts of the Desert, and falling into the principal 
stream not far from Timbuctoo ? 

The river of Timbuctoo (which I have always supposed 
to be the Niger itself) is called by the traders of Barbary, 
indiscriminately by the several names of Wed-Nile, Bahar- 
Nile , or Bahar-Abide. The same people have described it 
to me in a situation corresponding with that in the Narra¬ 
tive ; at a very short distance from the town, and as 
pursuing its course through fertile countries on the east 
and south-east borders of the Desert; after which it is 
generally supposed in Barbary to fall into the Nile of 

Egypt- 

According to these statements of the Moorish traders, 
Adams would seem to have mistaken the course of the 
stream at Timbuctoo. In fact, I do not recollect that lie 
told me at Mogadore, that it flowed in a westerly direction: 
but I think I am correct in saying, that he discovered some 
uncertainty in speaking upon this subject, (and almost 
upon this subject alone), observing* in answer to my 
inquiries, that he had not taken very particular notice, and 
that the river was steady, without any appearance of a 
strong current. 


La Mar Zarah. 


100 


[Note 13. 


The mountains near Timbuctoo, between which, Adams 
describes the river to flow, have also been mentioned to 
me by the traders from Barbary. D. 


It is certain that Adams spoke with apparently less 
confidence of the direction of the stream of the La Mar 
Zarah , than of any other point of his Narrative. Never¬ 
theless, although he was repeatedly questioned upon the 
subject, and might easily perceive that the fact of a stream 
flowing in that direction, in that place, was considered 
extremely improbable, he invariably stated his prepon¬ 
derating belief that it did flow to the south-west. 

We shall reserve for our concluding Note, a few further 
remarks on this point of the Narrative; and shall only add 
in this place (to Mr. Dupuis' very probable conjecture on 
the subject) that the Spanish geographer Marmol, who 
describes himself to have spent twenty years of warfare and 
slavery in Africa, about the middle of the 16th century, 
mentions the river Lahamar as a branch of the Niger; 
having muddy and unpalateable waters. By the same 
authority the Niger itself is called Yfa or Issa at Tombuc- 
too; a name which D'Anville has adopted in his maps of 
Africa. 


Notes 14, 15.] 


Canoes. — Fruits. 


101 


Note 14, p. 25. 

The description which Adams gives of the vessels or 
canoes at Timbuctoo, is, as far as it goes, consistent with 
what I recollect of his statement to me at Mogadore. But 
I think he described them to me as being more numerous ; 
adding, that he had seen them navigate the river in fleets of 
from ten to twenty canoes together; that he had been 
informed that they were absent occasionally a month or 
more, and that frequently they returned to Timbuctoo, 
laden with slaves and merchandize. He also mentioned 
Jinnie to me, as a place to which, as he understood, the 
inhabitants of Timbuctoo resorted for trade; and that the 
communication between the two cities was by water. 

I ought to observe, moreover, that these particulars cor¬ 
respond in substance with the information which I have 
obtained from Arab and Moorish traders respecting Tim¬ 
buctoo, and the Nile-Abide. The same persons have told 
me that Jinnie lay fifteen days journey to the south-west 
of Timbuctoo. D. 

Note 15, p. 26. 

I do not recollect to have heard dates or pine apples 
mentioned by any of the natives of Barbary who have 
visited Timbuctoo; but I have heard that both Jigs and 


Fruits. 


[Note 15. 


cocoa-nuts grow there. The other vegetables enumerated 
by Adams in the Narrative, and which he also mentioned 
to me, are described by traders as being produced, 
generally speaking, throughout Soudan. D. 

With respect to dates , Park in his first Journey, men¬ 
tions two occasions on which he met with them in Soudan : 
first at Gangadi near the Senegal above Galam, where 
“ he observed a number of date-trees,” 4to. p. 71: and, 
secondly, dates were part of the food set before him by the 
Foulah shepherd on the northern confines of Bambarra, 
mentioned in p. 182. 

Speaking generally of the vegetable productions of 
Soudan, Park says p. 250: “ Although many species of 
“ the edible roots which grow in the West India Islands are 
“ found in Africa, yet I never saw in any part of my 
“ journey, either the sugar-cane, the coffee, or the cacao- 
“ tree; nor could I learn on inquiry, that they w^ere known 
“ to the natives. The pine-apple, and the thousand other 
“ delicious fruits which the industry of civilized man has 
“ brought to so great perfection in the tropical climates of 
46 America, are here equally unknown.” 

The pine-apple , however, is well known upon the Gold 
Coast, and in the Bight of Benin ; and there appears to be 


Note 15.] 


Fruits. 


103 


no sufficient reason for doubting that it grows at Tombuctoo. 
We have not heard that Africa produces the cacao-tree; 
but the sugar-cane and the coffee plant are both amongst 
its products. The former is found upon the coasts just 
mentioned; and coffee has long been known to grow in 
abundance in Abyssinia. 

With respect to the cocoa-nut tree , (not the cacao), which 
Adams names amongst the vegetable productions of Tom¬ 
buctoo, some doubts of his accuracy in this respect have 
arisen; first, in consequence of the opinion that this tree 
flourishes only near the shores of the sea; and, secondly,, 
because Adams was unable to describe its appearance. 
But as we are not disposed, on the one hand, to attach 
much value to the botanical recollections of a common 
sailor, neither do we think, on the other, that much stress 
ought to be laid either upon the fact of his having forgotten, 
or upon his inability to describe the appearance of any 
plants, which he may have seen. It would be by the fruit 
which it bore, that we should expect such a person to 
recollect any particular tree; and before we reject his 
assertion respecting he latter, we ought to consider that he 
mentions the former, incidentally, not less than three times 
in the course of his Narrative. 

Although these circumstances entitle Adams's statement 


104 


Fruits. — Quadrupeds. 


[Notes 15 , 16 . 


to considerable attention, yet we shall not be much 
surprised if he should be found to have mistaken the 

shell of the calabash (which is known to be much in use 

% 

amongst the Mandingoes to the westward) for that of 
the cocoa-nut, when he speaks of the latter as a common 
domestic utensil at Tombuctoo, and as employed by 
the natives in the composition of one of their musical 
instruments. 

Note 16, p. 27- 

In speaking of the quadrupeds at Timbuctoo, Adams 
says there are no horses. I do not recollect that he told me 
this at Mogadore, but I am disposed to give credit to the 
statement, from the corresponding accounts which I have 
received from traders. The same opinion prevails among 
the resident Moors of Barbary, who, in deriding and 
reviling their Negro slaves, frequently use a proverbial 
expression, implying, that “ God who had blessed the 
“ Moors with horses, had cursed the Negroes with asses.” 
The other animals which Adams here mentions are, in 
general, the same as are described by the Arab and 
Moorish traders. D. 


Note 17 .] 


Heiries. 


105 


Note 17, p. 28. 

The Heiries , of which Adams speaks, are doubtless the 
species of camel which is known by that name in the 
Desert. What I can learn with certainty respecting this 
extraordinary animal (one of which I have seen at Morocco, 
brought by the Arabs of Aboussebah as a present to the 
Emperor) is, that though there is scarcely any visible 
difference between it and the common camel, its speed, 
patience, and abstinence, are much greater; and, that 
it is, on these accounts, highly prized by the Arabs. D. 

There can be no doubt that Adams's heirie is the animal 
described by Leo Africanus in the following passage, 
which we quote from the Latin translation before us ; 
4 4 Tertium genus (camelorum) patrid lingud ragnahil 
44 dictum, gracilibus exiguaeque staturae camelis, constat; 
44 qui sarcinis gerendis inferiores, reliquos tanta sui per- 
44 nicitate superant, ut diei unius spatio centum passuum 
44 milia confidant, iter modico viatico ad dies octo vel 
44 decern perpetuantes.” And Pennant's description of the 
animal accords still more minutely with the details given 
by Adams. (See Pennant's Zool. 4to. vol. i. p. 131.) 
44 There are varieties among the camels; what is called the 
44 dromedary, Maihary , and raguahl is very swift. The latter 

P 


106 Heines.—Elephant Hunting. [Note 18. 

(6 has a less hunch, is much inferior in size, never carries 
“ burdens, but is used to ride on/' 

Note 18, p. 29- 

I have been frequently informed that elephant-hunting is 
common at Timbuctoo as well as in most parts of Soudan : 
and it is certain that great numbers of their teeth are 
brought by the caravans into Barbary. The manner in 
which Adams describes the hunting in the Narrative,, 
corresponds exactly with what he related to me at Moga- 
dore; as well as with the accounts which I had previously 
heard from traders, of the mode of hunting practised by the 
Negroes of Timbuctoo. 

I do not recollect the exact dimensions of the elephant 
which Adams described to me; and I am confident that 
no such phaenomenon as the “four tusks" was mentioned 
to me at Mogadore. In fact, I do not think that I asked 
him any question whatever on the subject of the teeth, or 
that they were mentioned by him at all. D. 

It must be admitted that Adams has attributed dimen¬ 
sions to his elephant, which considerably surpass the limits 
of any previous authorities respecting this most bulky of 
animals: but without attempting to maintain the possibility 


Note 18. ] 


Elephant Hunting . 


10T 


of his accuracy, by quoting the authorities of BufFon and 
others, who have represented the breed of elephants in the 
interior and eastern parts of Africa, as greatly exceeding in 
size those of the western coast, and even as being larger 
than the elephants of the East Indies; all that we shall 
here contend for is, the probability that Adams, in this 
instance relates no more than he honestly believes he saw. 
He did not approach the animal nearer than three-quarters 
of a mile whilst it was alive; and it is not surprising that 
the sight for the first time of so huge a body, when lying 
dead on the ground, should impress him with an exagge¬ 
rated idea of its dimensions. 

However, we will not deny that the strange novelty of 
this stupendous creature seems to have disturbed Adams's 
usual accuracy of observation : we allude to his subsequent 
mistake about the animal’s 44 four tusks." 

It would be dealing rather unreasonably with a rude 
sailor cast upon the wilds of Africa, to expect that he should 
in that situation, whilst every thing was strange and new 
around him, minutely observe,—or could at a long interval 
afterwards, correctly describe,—the details of the plants* or 
animals which he had there an opportunity of seeing; and 
it would be unjust indeed, to make his accuracy on these 
points the standard of his veracity. 


* See Note 15. 


108 ' Elephant Hunting.—Alligators. [Notes 18, 19. 

The same objects which would be full of interest to a 
tutored eye, and would be scanned in all their parts with 
eager and systematic curiosity, might pass almost unob¬ 
served before the vague and indifferent glance of an uncul¬ 
tivated individual like Adams ; and his recollection of them, 
if he recollected them at all, would only extend to a rude 
and indistinct idea of their general appearance. The 
details in the text leave no room to doubt that it was an 
elephant which Adams saw; and with respect to the teeth 
it must not be forgotten, that he was questioned about 
them, apparently for the first time , more than four years 
after he saw the animal. If his observation of it might be 
expected to be vague and indistinct even at first, it would 
not be very extraordinary that his recollection of it, after 
so long an interval, should be far from accurate; and we 
cannot feel much surprise that, though he remembered that 
the animal had teeth, he should not be very well able to 
recollect whether it had two or four. 

Note 19>p. 30. 

Alligators I have been informed are met with in the 
river near Timbuctoo; but I never heard the hippopotamus 
mentioned. D. 


Notes 20, 21. j 


Cour coo.— Wild Beasts . 


109 


Note 20, p. SO. 

I never before heard of this extraordinary animal, either 
from Adams or any one else. D. 

It would be unfair to Adams not to explain that when 
questioned as to his personal knowledge of the 44 courcoo,” 
it appeared that he had never seen the animal nearer than 
at thirty or forty yards distance. It was from the Negroes 
he learnt that it had on its back 44 a hollow place like a 
44 pouch, which they called 4 coo/ ” in which it pocketed 
its prey; and having once seen the creature carrying a 
branch of cocoa-nut with its fruit, 44 which as the courcoo 
44 ran swiftly away, seemed to lie on its back/' Adams 
concluded of course that the pocket must be there; and 
further, that the animal fed on cocoa-nuts, as well as goats 
and children. 

In many respects Adams's description of the animal, 
(about which the Narrative shews that he was closely 
questioned), answers to the lynx. 

Note 21, p. SO. 

Lions, tigers , wolves , hycenas , foxes, and wild-cats , have 
been described to me as natives of most parts of Soudan ; 
and are hunted by the Negroes on account of the ravages 


110 


Birds. — Poison. — Anointing. [Notes 22, 28, 24 


which the}" frequently make amongst their flocks and 
domestic animals. D. 

Note 22, p. 30. 

The birds, both wild and tame, are, to the best of my 
recollection, the same as he previously described to me. 
The ostriches he told me were hunted both for their flesh 
and feathers, the latter not being used by the Negroes, 
except in trade with the Moors: who occasionally bring 
them to Barbary. D. 

Note 23 , p. 32. 

The poisonous liquid prepared from 44 black lumps like 
“ opium/' into which the Negroes of Tombuctoo dip their 
arrows, appears to be the same as that which Park describes 
the Mandingoes to use, for a similar purpose. 

44 The poison, which is very deadly, is prepared from a 
44 shrub called kooma, (a species of echites); the leaves of 
44 which, when boiled in a small quantity of water, yield a 
44 thick, black juice/' 1st Journey, 4to. p. 281. 

Note 24, p. 32 

Park observed a similar custom of anointing their 
persons among the Negroes of Bondou. See 1st. Journey, 


Notes 24, 25.] Anointing.—Marks of the Negroes. 


Ill 


4to. p. 62. 44 The cream (of cow’s milk) is converted into 

“ butter by stirring it violently in a large calabash. This 
46 butter forms a part of most of their dishes; it serves 
64 likewise to anoint their heads; and is bestowed very 
44 liberally on their faces and arms.” 

Note 25, p. 33. 

This account of the marks on the faces of the inhabitants 
of Timbuctoo, agrees with that which Adams gave at 
Mogadore. 

I have occasionally seen Negroes with similar incisions 
on their faces, but I cannot state with any confidence that 
they came from Timbuctoo. However, I have certainly 
heard from some of the traders that these marks are a 
prevalent, if not universal, ornament of the male Negroes 
of that country. 

Many of the Negro slaves brought up to Barbary by 
the Arabs, have the cartilage of the nose bored through, in 
which, it is said, they wear in their own countries, a large 
gold ring, in the manner described by Adams of the 
Negroes between Soudenny and Timbuctoo. I have fre¬ 
quently seen female slaves with perforations in the lobes 
of their ears, which had the appearance of having been 
distended by wearing heavy ornaments. X). 


112 


Polygamy. — Religion. 


[Notes 26, 27. 


Note 26, p. 34. 

Here again Adams, in his assertion of the existence of 
polygamy amongst the Negroes, and in his shrewd obser¬ 
vation of the feuds which it excited amongst the ladies, may 
be illustrated and corroborated by a parallel passage from 
Park. 

64 As the Kafirs (Pagan Negroes) are not restricted in 
44 the number of their wives, every one marries as many as 
44 he can conveniently maintain; and as it frequently 
44 happens that the ladies disagree amongst themselves, 
44 family quarrels sometimes rise to such a height that the 
44 authority of the husband can no longer preserve peace in 
44 his household.1st. Journey, 4to. pp. 39, 40. 

Note 27, p • 36. 

I cannot speak with any confidence of the religion of 
the Negroes of Timbuctoo. 

However, I have certainly heard, and entertain little 
doubt, that many of the inhabitants are Mohammedans : 
it is also generally believed in Barbary, that there are 
mosques at Timbuctoo. But on the other hand, I am 
pretty confident that the King is neither an Arab nor a 
Moor; especially as the traders from whom I have 
collected these accounts have been either the one, or the 


Note 27.] 


113 


Religion. 

other; and I might consequently presume, that if they 
did give me erroneous information on any points, it would 
at least not be to the prejudice both of their national self- 
conceit, and of the credit and honour of their religion. 

I think Adams told me that circumcision is not unfre¬ 
quent there; and I have been informed by traders that 
it is common, though not universal, throughout Soudan; 
but without necessarily implying Mohammedanism in those 
who undergo the practice. D. 

Park has stated circumcision to be common amongst the 
Negroes nearer the coast; and Barrow and other tra¬ 
vellers describe the custom to be prevalent amongst the 
natives of some of the countries of southern Africa; but it 
does not appear in either of these cases to be practised 
exclusively as a Mohammedan rite. 

With respect to the religious ceremonies in general, of 
the Pagan natives of Soudan, Park says, that on the first 
appearance of the new moon they say a short prayer, 
which is pronounced in a whisper, the party holding up his 
hands before his face; and that this “ seems to be the only 
44 visible adoration which the Kafirs offer up to the Supreme 
44 Being/' (1st. Journey, 4to. p. 272.) Thus far Adams's 
observation appears to have been perfectly accurate, that 

Q 


114 


Religion.-—Physicians. 


[Notes 27, 28. 


they have “ no public religion, no house of worship, no 
“ priest, and never meet together to pray/' But it is 
difficult to suppose that there are not Mohammedan con¬ 
verts amongst the Negroes of Tombuctoo, who publicly 
exercise the ceremonies of their religion: and we appre¬ 
hend that Adams will be suspected of careless observation 
on that subject, notwithstanding the confidence with which 
he speaks of it. Indeed we should have said, that he had 
himself borne testimony to some of the externals of 
Islamism, when he mentions the turbans which the Chiefs 
of Soudenny and Tombuctoo occasionally wore, did we not 
learn from Park, that the Kafirs are in the habit of adopt¬ 
ing the customs, names, and even in some instances, the 
prayers* of the Mohammedans, without adopting their re¬ 
ligious ceremonies or creed. 


Note 28, p. 36. 

Adams gave me a particular description of the wen or 
swelling on the back of his hand, and of its cure at Tim- 
buctoo, in the manner here related. 

I may take this opportunity of observing, that he re¬ 
counted at Mogadore, (what I do not find in the Narrative,) 
several miraculous stories of the supernatural powers, or 

* See Park’s 1st. Journey, 4to. p. 37. 


Note 28.] 


Sorcery. 


115 


charms possessed by some of the Negroes, and which they 
practised both defensively to protect their own persons from 
harm, and offensively against their enemies. Of these 
details I do not distinctly remember more than the follow¬ 
ing circumstance, which I think he told me happened in 
his presence. 

A Negro slave, the property of a Desert Arab, having 
been threatened by his master with severe punishment for 
some offence, defied his power to hurt him, in consequence 
of a charm by which he was protected. Upon this the 
Arab seized a gun, which he loaded with ball, and fired at 
only a few paces distance from the Negro’s breast: but the 
Negro, instead of being injured by the shot, stooped to 
the ground, and picked up the ball which had fallen 
inoffensive at his feet! 

It seems strange that Adams should have omitted these 
extraordinary stories (and almost these alone) in his 
Narrative; for he frequently expressed to me, a firm belief 
that the Negroes were capable of injuring their enemies by 
witchcraft; and he once pointed out' to me a slave at 
Mogadore, of whom, on that account he stood peculiarly 
in awe. He doubtless imbibed this belief, and learnt the 
other absurd stories which he related, from the Arabs; 
some of whom profess to be acquainted with the art 


116 


Sorcery. — Dancing. 


[Notes 28, 29. 


themselves, and all of whom, I believe, are firmly persuaded 
of its existence, and of the peculiar proficiency of the 
Negroes in it. D. 

Is it unreasonable to suppose, that having found his 
miraculous stories, and his belief in witchcraft, discredited 
and laughed at, both at Mogadore and Cadiz, Adams 
should at length have grown ashamed of repeating them, or 
even have outlived his superstitious credulity ? This solitary 
instance of suppression (the particular stories suppressed 
being of so absurd a nature), may rather be considered 
as a proof of his good sense, and as the exercise of a very 
allowable discretion, than as evidence of an artfulness, of 
which not a trace has been detected in any other part of 
his conduct. 

Note 29, p. 38. 

The dancing of the people of Timbuctoo has been 
frequently described to me by Adams; and on one occa¬ 
sion particularly, when some Negro slaves were enjoying 
this their favourite amusement, at Mogadore, he brought 
me to the spot, telling me that their dance was similar to 
those in Soudan which he had described to me. The 
following was the nature of the dance :—six or seven men, 
joining hands, surrounded one in the centre of the ring, 


Note 29.] 


Dancing. 


1 IT 


who was dressed in a ludicrous manner, wearing a large 
black wig stuck full of cowries. This man at intervals 
repeated verses which, from the astonishment and admira¬ 
tion expressed at them by those in the ring, appeared 
to be extempore. Two performers were playing on the 
outside of the ring; one on a large drum, the other on a sort 
of guitar. They did not interrupt the singer in the ring 
during his recitations; but at the end of every verse the 
instruments stuck up, and the whole party joined in loud 
chorus, dancing round the man in the circle, stooping to 
the ground and throwing up their legs alternately. Towards 
the end of the dance, the man in the middle of the ring 
was released from his enclosure, and danced alone, occa¬ 
sionally reciting verses; whilst the other dancers begged 
money from the by-standers. 

I do not recollect to have seen any of the female slaves 
join in these dances; but I have observed them very much 
interested whilst attending the diversion ; sometimes ap¬ 
pearing extravagantly delighted, and at others exhibiting 
signs of mourning and sorrow. 

These dances were prohibited soon after the accession of 
the present Emperor; but they have been occasionally 
permitted of late years. Whether the prohibition arose 
from some connection either real or supposed, which the 


118 


Dancing. — Bambarra. 


[AWs 29, 30. 


dances had with any of the religious ceremonies of the 
Negroes, offensive to the Mohammedans, I-was never able 
to ascertain. D. 

The dancing of the Negroes at Joag in Kajaaga, as 
described by Mr. Park, corresponds very remarkably with 
Adams's description of the same amusement at Tom- 
buctoo. 

“ I found," he says, 1st Journey 4to. p. 68, “ a great 
“ crowd surrounding a party who were dancing by the 
“ light of some large fires, to the music of four drums, 
“ which were beaten with great exactness and uniformity. 
“ The dances, however, consisted more in wanton gestures 
“ than in muscular exertion or graceful attitudes. The 
“ ladies vied with each other in displaying the most 
“ voluptuous movements imaginable. They continued to 
“ dance until midnight." 

Note 30, p. 38. 

This statement, which is in opposition to the usual 
opinion that Tombuctoo is a dependency of Bambarra, 
receives some corroboration from a passage in Isaaco's 
Journal (4to. p. 205) where a “ Prince of Tombuctoo" is 
accused by the King of Sego, of having, either personally 


Notes BO, 31.] 


Bambarra. — Slaves. 


119 


or by his ^people, plundered two Bambarra caravans, and 
taken both merchandize and slaves. This was in Sep¬ 
tember 1810, some months previous to the date of the 
expeditions mentioned in the Narrative. 

Note 31, p. 39- 

The Negro slaves brought to Barbary from Timbuctoo 
appear to be of various nations ; many of them distinguish¬ 
able by the make of their persons and features, as well as 
by their language. I have seen slaves, who were described 
as coming from the remote country of Wangara; but the 
greater part of them are brought from Bambarra; the 
Negroes of that nation being most sought after, and fetching 
the highest prices in Barbary. 

I recollect an unusually tall, stout Negress at Mogadore, 
whose master assured me that she belonged to a populous 
nation of cannibals. I do not know whether the fact was 
sufficiently authenticated ; but it is certain that the woman 
herself declared it, adding some revolting accounts of her 
own feasts on human flesh. 

Being in the habit of inquiring from Negroes at Moga¬ 
dore the manner of their falling into slavery, I received, 
on one such occasion, from a Bambarreen Negro, a long 
account of his capture, (on a plundering expedition), his 


120 


Slaves. 


[Note ?A. 


sale, escape, and re-capture, amongst different Negro 
nations before he was finally sold, at Timbuctoo, to the 
Arabs. His account was chiefly curious from his descrip¬ 
tion of a nation which he called Gollo , or Quallo , which 
conveyed to me an idea of a people more advanced in 
the arts, and wealthier than any that I had previously 
heard of. The King's palace and the houses in general 
were described as superior structures to those of the 
Moors: and he even spoke of domesticated elephants 
trained to war, of which the King had a large force. 

To this nation he was conveyed by a party of its natives, 
a stout race of people; who, happening to be in a town on 
the Wed-Nile , in which he and half of the plundering 
party to which he belonged, had been made prisoners, 
bought him from his captors, and carried him away to 
their own country. They arrived at Gollo after nearly a 
month's journey inland from the river ; during which they 
crossed a large chain of mountains; and as far as I could 
judge from his account, the country lay south-east of 
Bambarra. Within three days journey of the capital was a 
large lake or river which communicated with the Wed-Nile , 
by which he eventually escaped. 

Notwithstanding the reserve with which the stories of 
Negroes must be received, there was a circumstantiality in 


Notes 31, 32.] 


Slaves. — Punishments. 


121 


this man's account, which seemed very like the truths and 
he bore about him ocular evidence in corroboration of 
one part of his story ; namely, that the right ears of him¬ 
self and his plundering companions were cut off, as a 
punishment, by the people who sold him to the Negroes of 
Gollo. D. 

Note 32, p. 40. 

It was already evident from Park's accounts, and the 
fact receives a more extended confirmation from Adams, 
that the Negroes in the interior of Soudan are in general 
harmless and compassionate in their personal characters, 
and humane in their laws ; in which respects they are 
remarkably distinguished from many of their neighbours 
to the south, who, besides the ordinary implacability of 
savages towards their external and public enemies, are not 
sparing of the blood of their own countrymen, in their 
quarrels, punishments, or superstitious sacrifices. 

Adams's account of the punishment assigned bjr the 
laws of Tombuctoo to the principal criminal offences, is 
substantially the same as that given by Park, in speaking 
of the laws of the Mandingoes ; amongst whom, he informs 
us, that murder, adultery, and witchcraft (which, in other 
words, is the administering of poison) are punished with 
slavery. It appears, however, that in cases of murder, the 

R 


122 


Punishments.—Shops and Trade. [Notes 32, 33. 


relations of the deceased have, in the first instance, power 
over the life of the offender. 

The infrequency of the punishment of death, in a com¬ 
munity which counts human life amongst its most valuable 
objects of trade, is not, however, very surprising; and 
considerable influence must be conceded to the operation 
of self-interest, as well as to the feelings of humanity, in 
accounting for this merciful feature (if it be indeed merciful) 
in the criminal code of the Negroes of Soudan. 

Note 33, p. 40. 

I do not at present recollect whether Adams told me, 
that there were, or that there were not, shops at Timbuc- 
too ; but, as I have stated in Note 10,1 have been informed 
by some of the traders, and am disposed to believe, that 
there are shops, in which foreign merchandize, and the 
domestic commodities of the inhabitants, are exposed for 
sale. Others, however, have contradicted this account. 

The articles of trade which Adams enumerates in the 
succeeding lines, appear to me to correspond with tolerable 
accuracy with those which the caravans from the Barbary 
states carry to Soudan, and bring from thence. 

This trade from the states of Morocco, which appears 
to have been carried on to a considerable and uniform 


Notes 33, 34.] Shops and Trade. — Cowries. 123 

t 

extent since the reign of Mulai Ismael (at whose death the 
dominion previously exercised by the Moors over the 
natives of Timbuctoo is reported to have been shaken off 
by the latter), has begun to decline of late years, in con¬ 
sequence of the establishment of the market of Hamet a 
Mousa , in the territory of the Cid Heshem , described in a 
subsequent note : and I do not suppose that more than a 
hundred of the Emperor's subjects now annually cross the 
Desert. 

With respect to the caravans themselves, their manner 
of assembling and travelling, the dangers which they incur 
in the Desert from the Shume wind, from want of water, 
and from the marauding disposition of the Desert Arabs, 
have been so fully described in other places, that any 
further detail here would be unnecessary. D. 

Note 34, p. 41. 

In quoting the price in cowries of a full grown slave, 
Adams must certainly have committed a great mistake. I 
remember he told me that the Arabs gave a considerable 
value in tobacco or other merchandize for a slave; and 
that he thought them cheaper in the Desert than at Tim¬ 
buctoo. D. 


124 


Cowries.—Moors at Tombuctoo. [Notes 34, 35. 


At Sansanding Park gives forty thousand cowries, as the 
current price of a male slave: it is not possible that the 
value either of cowries or slaves can be so utterly dispro¬ 
portionate in two countries so near to each other. Adams 
must have been quite in the dark with respect to the real 
terms of the bargain. 

Note 35, p. 42. 

That the people of Timbuctoo should feel some jealousy 
of the tribes of Arabs immediately in their neighbourhood, 
is extremely probable, considering the general marauding 
characters of the latter; but I do not know what particular 
measures of exclusion are enforced against them. With 
respect to the traders from Barbary, I have always been 
told that they are permitted to reside at Timbuctoo as long 
as they think proper. On the other hand, I believe, that 
camel-drivers, Arab guides, and those attached to the 
caravans, who are either not able, or not willing, to make 
the King a present, are excluded. D. 

Adams's assertion, that he saw no Moors during his stay 
at Tombuctoo, except the aforesaid two parties, is not so 
improbable as it may at first sight appear. 

Tombuctoo, although it is become, in consequence of its 


Note 35.] 


Moors at Tombuctoo. 


125 


frontier situation, the port , as it were, of the caravans from 
the north (which could not return across the Desert the 
same season if they were to penetrate deeper into Soudan) 
is yet, with respect to the trade itself, probably only the 
point from whence it diverges to Haoussa, Tuarick, See. on 
the east, and to Walet, Jinnie, and Sego, in the west and 
south, and not the mart where the merchandize of the 
caravans is sold in detail. Park was informed, that 
Haoussa and Walet were, both of them, larger cities than 
Tombuctoo. Such Moors therefore as did not return to 
Barbary with the returning caravan, but remained in 
Soudan until the following season, might be expected to 
follow their trade to the larger marts of the interior, and to 
return to Tombuctoo, only to meet the next winter's 
caravans. Adams, arriving at Tombuctoo in February, 
and departing in June, might therefore miss both the 
caravans themselves and the traders who remained behind 
in Soudan : and, in like manner, Park might find Moors 
carrying on an active trade in the summer at Sansanding, 
and yet there might not be one at Tombuctoo. 

With respect to the trade actually carried on at Tom¬ 
buctoo (which makes but an insignificant figure in Adams's 
account,) we can only regret that a person placed in his 
extraordinary situation, was not better qualified to collect 


126 


Moors at Tombuctoo. — Negroes. \_Notes 35, 36. 


or communicate more satisfactory information on this and 
many other interesting subjects. However his lists of the 
articles of trade, show that he was not wholly unobservant 
in this respect; and we cannot but think it probable that 
the 44 armed parties of a hundred men or more/'’ which he 
describes at page 39, as going out once a month for slaves, 
and returning sometimes in a week and sometimes after a 
longer absence, were in reality traders. 

Note 36, p. 42. 

I was frequently told by Adams, who appeared to take 
pleasure in speaking of the circumstance, that the Negroes 
behaved to him on all occasions with great humanity, never 
insulting or ill treating him on account of his religion, as 
the Arabs did. He was never confined at Timbuctoo, but 
could go where he pleased. Upon these grounds I enter¬ 
tain little doubt (and I was confirmed in my opinion by 
Timbuctoo traders with whom I conversed on the subject) 
that had Adams explained his story to the Negroes, and 
expressed any unwillingness to accompany the Arabs on 
their return, he would have been rescued out of their hands, 
and left at liberty. 1 do not recollect whether he told me, 
that the idea had ever occurred to him; but, if it did, it 
is probable that when he came to consider, his hopeless 


Notes 37, 38. j Negro Curiosity.—Crossing the Desert. 


127 


prospect of reaching the sea coast, if left to himself, 
and that the Arabs had promised to take him to Suerra 
after their expedition to Soudenny ; he would prefer the 
chance of ultimate liberation afforded him by accompanying 
the Arabs, of whose severe treatment he had then had 
but a short experience. D. 

Note 37, p- 42. 

I do not imagine that the curiosity of the Negroes can 
have been excited so much on account of Adamses colour, 
as because he was a Christian, and a Christian slave , which 
would naturally be to them a source of great astonishment. 
The Negroes must have seen, in the caravans from the 
Barbary states which annually visit the countries of Soudan, 
and Timbuctoo in particular, many Moors, especially 
those from Fez, of a complexion quite as light as that of 
Adams. D. 

Note 38, p. 43. 

September and October are the months in which the 
caravans from Barbary to Timbuctoo assemble on the 
northern confines of the Desert. They commence their 
journey as soon as the first rains have cooled the ground, 
and arrive again from the Desert about the month of 
March. D. 


Crossing the Desert. 


128 


[Note 38. 


Whilst Adams states in the text, on the one hand, that 
the Desert can be crossed only in winter during the rainy 
season, it appears on the other, that he himself must have 
crossed it in July. (See Note 60.) Yet upon examination, 
the circumstances of the Narrative will be found not only 
to reconcile this apparent contradiction, but even to add to 
the internal evidence of the truth of Adams’s story. The 
winter is, admittedly, the only proper time for crossing the 
Desert, and (as Mr. Dupuis states in the preceding part of 
this Note), the trading caravans from Barbary never attempt 
the journey at any other season. But the solitary troop of 
Arabs from the Woled D’leim do not appear to have come 
to Tombuctoo for the ordinary purposes of trade. Their 
only object seems to have been to ransom their imprisoned 
comrades: and having this alone in view, they would 
naturally come as soon as they had ascertained the cap¬ 
tivity of the latter and prepared the means of redeeming 
them; without regarding the inconveniences of travelling 
at an unusual season. Their extraordinary sufferings, and 
loss of lives, from heat and thirst in returning across the 
Desert, may be hence accounted for. 

This explanation moreover confirms, and is corroborated 
by, Adams’s subsequent remark, in page 53, that the Arabs 
of Woled D’leim (which was the home of his ransomers) 


129 


Note 39.] Joliba. 

to be of the same tribe as those of the douar whither he 
was first conveyed from the coast, and consequently, as 
those who were taken prisoners with him at Soudenny. 

Note 39, p. 43. 

This apparently unimportant passage affords, on exami¬ 
nation, a strong presumption in favour of the truth and 
simplicity of this part of Adams's Narrative. 

In the course of his examinations, almost every new 
inquirer eagerly questioned him respecting the Joliba; 
and he could not fail to observe, that, because he had been 
at Tombuctoo, he was expected, as a matter of course, 
either to have seen, or at least frequently to have heard of, 
this celebrated river. Adams, however, fairly admits that 
he knows nothing about it: and, notwithstanding the sur¬ 
prise of many of his examiners, he cannot be brought to 
acknowledge that he had heard the name even once men¬ 
tioned at Tombuctoo. All that he does recollect is, that a 
river Joliba had been spoken of at Tudenny, where it was 
described as lying in the direction of Bambarra. 

Those who recollect Major Rennell's remarks respecting 
the Niger in his “ Geographical Illustrations," will not be 
much surprised that Adams should not hear of the “ Joliba" 
from the natives of Tombuctoo. At that point of its course, 

S 


130 


Joliba.—Negro Language. 


[Notes 39 ; 40 . 


the river is doubtless known by another name : and if the 
Joliba were spoken of at all, it would probably be accom¬ 
panied (as Adams states in the text) with some mention of 
Bambarra, which may be presumed to be the last country 
eastward in which the Niger retains its Mandingo name. 

Note 40, p. 43. 

Some of the words mentioned in this short specimen of 
the Negro language are Arabic; for instance,— killeb , a 
dog; feel , an elephant; dar , a house : also the names 
which he has given for “ date ” and “ fig”; but the word 
carna, which he has prefixed to the latter, signifying 
“ tree,” is not Arabic. Whether Adams, in consequence 
of the short opportunity which he had of hearing the 
language of the Negroes, and his subsequent long resi¬ 
dence amongst the Arabs, has confounded the two lan¬ 
guages in the above instances; or whether there may not 
really be some mixture of the languages at Timbuctoo (as 
not unfrequently happens in the frontier places of adjoining 
countries), I cannot pretend to determine. 

It is at least certain, that Adams did know something of 
the Negro language, for I have frequently heard him hold 
conversations with the slaves at Mogadore; especially 
with a young Negro who used to visit my house on purpose 


Notes 41 , 42 .] Taudeny .— Woled D'leim. 


131 


to see Adams, and (as he has himself told me) to converse 
with him about his own country, where, he has often assured 
me, Adams had been. D. 

Note 41, p. 49- 

Taudeny has been frequently described to me by traders 
in a manner which corresponds with Adams's account; 
it being reported to have four wells of good water, and a 
number of date and fig trees : the inhabitants are represented 
as quite black, but without the Negro features. The salt 
pits consist of large beds of rock salt, in the manner that 
Adams describes, and of very considerable extent. Their 
produce is in much request at Timbuctoo, and in all 
Soudan, whither it is sent in large quantities; the people 
of Taudeny receiving in return slaves and merchandize, 
which they again exchange with the Arabs of Woled 
D'leim, and Woled Aboussebah, for camels, horses, or 
tobacco; so that I should imagine Taudeny to be a place 
of importance, and highly interesting. D. 

Note 42, p. 53. 

Woled D’leim is the douar of a tribe of Arabs inhabiting: 
the eastern parts of the Desert from the latitude of about 
twenty degrees north to the tropic. I have been informed 


182 


fVo led D'leim. 


[/Votes 42, 48. 


bj travellers who have visited these parts, that they are a 
tribe of great extent and power; that they inhabit detached 
fertile spots of land where they find water, and pasturage 
for their flocks, but do not at all practise agriculture. I 
have occasionally seen Arabs of this tribe during my 
residence at Mogadore. They appear to be an extremely 
fine race of men. Their complexion is very dark, almost 
as black as that of the Negroes; but they have straight 
hair, which they wear in large quantities, aquiline noses, 
and large eyes. Their behaviour was haughty and insolent: 
they spoke with fluency and energy, appeared to have 
great powers of rhetoric; and I was told that many of them 
possessed the talent of making extempore compositions in 
verse, on any object that attracted their notice. Their 
arms were javelins and swords. Zb 

Note 43, p. 55. 

The circumstances of Adams's neglect of his employ¬ 
ment, and of the punishment which he received in con¬ 
sequence, appear to have made a strong impression on 
him; for he frequently mentioned them to me; always 
adding, that he had firmly determined to persevere in his 
resistance, though it had cost hint his life. D. 


Note 44.] 


El Kabla. 


133 


Note 44, p. 58. 

Adams described the circumstances of his escape from 
the Woled E'leim to El Kabla , precisely as they are here 
related: but he observed to me that, with respect to 
masters, he had scarcely bettered his condition ; and at 
all times he shewed an inveterate animosity against any of 
the Arabs of the Desert whom he saw at Mogadore. 

El Kabla means the eastern Arabs, so distinguished from 
those of West Barbary and the coast. In the pronuncia¬ 
tion of a Desert Arab, the name might sound very like 
El Gib la, or Hilla Gibla. 

These people inhabit large tracts of the Desert on the 
northern limits of the Woled Ddeim. They are looked 
upon as a tribe of considerable importance, and are fre¬ 
quently employed by the traders in crossing the Desert, 
serving as guides or escorts as far as Taudeny. They have 
been represented to me as a haughty and ferocious race, 
yet scrupulously observant of the rites of hospitality. In 
persons they are said to resemble their Woled Dleim 
neighbours, being extremely dark, straight haired, and of 
the true Arabian feature. They are reported to be de¬ 
scendants from the race of Woled Aboussebah; from whom 
they probably separated themselves, in consequence of 
some of the disputes- which frequently involve the Desert 


134 


El Kabla. — Aisha. 


[Notes 44, 45. 


tribes in domestic wars Their large flocks of sheep and 
goats supply them with outer raiment as well as food ; but 
the blue shirts of Soudan, are almost universally worn by 
them as under garments. D. 

Note 45, p. 60. 

These details of Adams's amour with Aisha are the same 
as he gave to me at Mogadore. Of the fact itself I can 
entertain no doubt; from the following circumstances. 

After the loss of the “ Charles" it had been my con¬ 
stant practice, when traders went to the Desert, to com¬ 
mission them to make inquiries respecting the remainder of 
the crew, who were in the possession of the Arabs; and, 
in particular, respecting those who had been reported to 
me to be carried eastward. On the return of one of these 
men from El Kabla, he told me that there was a Christian 
slave at that place, in possession of an Arab, who would 
doubtless be very glad to dispose of him, in consequence 
of the slave having been detected in an affair with his 
wife. He then briefly related to me the same story, in 
substance, as I afterwards heard from Adams. 

I also heard of it from a trader from Wed-Noon, who 
told me of Adams being there, some time before I 
effected his ransom : I was informed at the same time. 


Note 46.] 


Woled Aboussehah. 


m 

that this trait of his character and history was much 
talked of at Wed-Noon. D. 

Note 46, p. 61. 

Villa de Bousbach should be Woled Aboussehah; Woled 
signifying sons or children , and being commonly applied to 
all the tribes of Arabs. 

The Woled Aboussebah is a considerable tribe of Arabs 
distinct from the Woled Dfleim, inhabiting large tracts of 
the northern and western parts of the Desert. They report 
themselves to be descendants from the line of sheriffes , or 
race of the Prophet. Their country is described as a 
Desert interspersed with spots of fertile land, where they 
fix their douars, and pasture their flocks of goats, sheep, 
and camels. Their diet is occasionally the flesh of their 
flocks, but chiefly the milk of the niag, or female camel. 
They trade with their northern neighbours for dates and 
tobacco; being immoderately fond of the latter for their 
own consumption in snuff and smoking, and employing it 
also in their trade with Soudan for slaves and blue 
cottons. 

As this tribe is reported to reach quite down to the sea 
coast, and to be spread over a very extensive tract of 
country, there are various branches of it, who consider 


186 


Woled Aboussebah. 


[Note 46. 


themselves wholly independent of each other, yet all calling 
themselves the “ Woled Aboussebah/' Those who inhabit 
the sea coast are supplied with double-barrelled guns, and 
various implements of iron, by trading vessels from the 
Canary Islands, for which they give cattle in exchange. 
They are represented to be very expert in the management 
of their horses, and in the use of fire-arms, being excellent 
marksmen at the full speed of the horse, or of the Desert 
camel ( heirie ). They have frequent wars with their southern 
and eastern neighbours, though without any important 
results; the sterility of the soil throughout the whole of this 
region of sand affording little temptation to its inhabitants 
to dispossess each other of their territorial possessions. 

The inhabitants of Wed-Noon are descended from this 
tribe, and owe their independence to its support: for the 
Arabs of Aboussebah being most numerous on the northern 
confines of the Desert, present a barrier to the extension of 
the Emperor of Morocco's dominion in that direction. 

During the discords and civil wars which raged in 
Barbary previous to the present Emperor's tranquil occu-* 
pation of the throne of Morocco, a horde of these Arabs, 
amounting to about seven thousand armed men, seizing 
that opportunity of exchanging their barren Deserts for 
more fertile regions, over-ran the southern parts of the 


Notes 46, 47.] Woled Aboussebah.—Seamen at Wed-Noon. 137 

Empire. Mounted on horses and camels, and bearing their 
tents and families with them, they pursued their course, 
with little or no opposition, until they reached the provinces 
of Abda and Shiedma , which lie between Saffy and Moga- 
dore, where they were opposed by the Arabs of those 
provinces, united with a powerful tribe called Woled-el-Haje, 
who inhabit a fertile country north of the river Tensift. 
The Woled Aboussebah were, however, victorious, and a 
dreadful slaughter of their enemies ensued; who, after 
being driven down to the sea were cut to pieces without 
mercy, neither women nor children escaping the massacre. 
The victors then took possession of the country, where they 
settled, and maintained themselves against all opposition; 
and they now form a part of the subjects of the Emperor 
of Morocco. D. 

Note 47, p. 67- 

The mate and the seamen of the “ Charles,” whom 
Adams described to have found at Wed-Noon, were, to 
my knowledge, in that town a considerable time previous 
to his arrival. 

Some explanation may not be out of place here, of the 
reasons why these men did not reach the Emperor's 
dominions at the period when the three of the Charles's 
crew, whom I have before named, were ransomed. 

T 


138 


Seamen at Wed-Noon. 


INote 47. 


Upon the arrival of the Arab of Aboussebah (whom I 
have mentioned in Note 6.) at Santa Cruz on his way to 
Mogadore, with Nicholas, Newsham, and Nelson , the Go¬ 
vernor of that city and district wished to take possession 
of the Christians in order to send them to the Emperor: 
but the Arab refused to part with them, not considering 
himself a subject of the Emperor,, or under the controul 
of any of the rulers of Barbary ; and he accordingly 
escaped out of the city with his property by night; but 
before he reached Mogadore he was overtaken by two 
soldiers whom the Governor had dispatched after him, and 
who accompanied him and the Christians to me. 

The Arab then declared to me that it never was his 
intention to take his slaves to the Emperor, that he had 
bought them in the Desert in the hopes of making some 
profit by their ransom, and that, if he succeeded in this 
object, he would return, and endeavour to bring the others 
up to Mogadore. Upon this I bargained with him for 
the purchase of them; but refusing to accept the highest 
sum which it was in my power to offer him, he left me, 
pretending that he had resolved to take his slaves to Fez, 
where the Emperor then was. Fearful of trusting the 
men again in his power, I objected to his taking them from 
under my protection, unless they were entrusted to the 


Notes 47, 48.] Seamen at Wed-Noon. — Bel-Cossim-Abdallah. 139 

care of a Moorish soldier; but the Governor of Mogadore 
refused to grant him a soldier for that purpose. Thus 
circumstanced, he was at length compelled to accept the 
proffered ransom. 

The dissatisfaction which the Arab felt at the result of 
his journey, and at the interference of the Governors of 
Santa Cruz and Mogadore, was, I fear, the cause why the 
rest of the Charles's crew were not subsequently brought 
up to be ransomed ; but it could not be helped. _D. 

Note 48, p. 68. 

The sale of Adams at Wed-Noon to Bel-Cossim-Abdallah 
was mentioned to me by him at Mogadore; Adams 
observing that he had been bought by Bel-Cossim very 
cheap, the latter having paid no more for him than the 
value of seventy dollars in barter. 

This part of the Narrative was further confirmed by Bel- 
Cossim himself; who having arrived at Mogadore some 
time after Adams had been ransomed, called upon me, 
and requested permission to see him. Bel-Cossim then 
shewed a great regard for him, and told me that he had been 
unwilling to part with him, when he was ransomed. D. 


140 


Montezuma , 


[Note 49. 


Note 49, p. 68. 

The following is an extract of a letter from P. W. 
Brancker, Esq. of Liverpool, in reply to an inquiry into 
the truth of this part of Adams's story. 

Liverpool, Nov. 28, 1815. 

44 The American seaman is correct as to the loss of a 
44 vessel from this port, but makes a small mistake in the 
44 name ; for it appears that the ship Montezuma , belonging 
44 to Messrs. Theodore Roster and Co., and bound from 
44 hence to the Brazils, was wrecked on the 2d November, 
44 1810, between the Capes de Noon and Bajedore on the 
44 coast of Barbary; that the master and crew were made 
44 prisoners by a party of Arabs, and that he (the master) 
44 was taken off without the knowledge of the persons in 
44 whose service he then was, and might therefore be 
44 supposed to be murdered; for being left in charge of a 
44 drove of camels, he was found by a party of the 
44 Emperor's cavalry and carried off to Morocco, from 
44 whence he was sent to Gibraltar. 

44 It is also said that the crew have obtained their 


44 liberty, except one boy." 


Notes 50, *51.] French Renegade. — Kanno . 


141 


Note 50, p. 69* 

I have often heard of this French renegade, and of his 
manufacture of gun-powder; he is said to have died about 
two years ago. D. 

Note 51, p. 69- 

It has already been stated (see Note 31.) that many of 
the slaves purchased at Tombuctoo, and brought by the 
Arabs across the Desert, come from countries even as far 
east of that city as Wangara; it is therefore not unreason¬ 
able to suppose that Kanno, mentioned in the text, may 
be the kingdom of Ghana, or Cano, which D’Anville places 
on the Niger, between the tenth and fifteenth degrees of 
eastern longitude. Assuming this to be the fact, the curious 
relation of the Negro slave at Wed-Noon might afford 
ground to conjecture that Park had made further progress 
down the Niger than Amadi Fatouma's story seems to 
carry him; further, we mean, than the frontier of Haoussa. 

In fact, the time which intervened between Park's de¬ 
parture from Sansanding, and his asserted death, would 
abundantly admit of his having reached a much more 
distant country even than Ghana : for according to Isaaco 
and Amadi Fatouma (see Park's Second Mission, 4to. 
p. 218), he had been four months on his voyage down the 
Niger before he lost his life; having never been on shore 


Kanno. 


142 


[Note 51. 


during all that time. This long period is evidently quite 
unnecessary for the completion of an uninterrupted voyage 
from Sansanding to the frontiers of Haoussa : for Park was 
informed by Amadi Fatouma himself, that the voyage even to 
Kashna (probably more than twice the distance, according 
to Major RennelFs positions of these places), did not require 
a longer period than two months for its performance. 

The mention of Kashna , reminds us of another remark¬ 
able circumstance in Amadi Fatouma's statements. In the 
instance just quoted, he appears to be inconsistent with 
himself; but in the passages to which we allude, we find 
him at issue with Park. 

In his last letter to Sir Joseph Banks, announcing the 
completion of his preparations, and written apparently 
only three days before he commenced his voyage from 
Sansanding, Park, speaking of Amadi Fatouma, says, 
“ I have hired a guide to go with me to Kashna ” and again, 
in the same letter, “ I mean to write from Kashna by my 
“ guide.” But Amadi Fatouma, in accounting for his 
separation from Park before the fatal catastrophe, tells 
quite another story. He asserts that he was only engaged 
to go to Haoussa: and an apparently forced prominence is 
given to this assertion by his manner of making it. His 
words are these (p. 212): “ Entered the country of Haoussa, 


Note 51.] 


Kanno. 


143 


44 and came to an anchor. Mr. Park said to me, 4 Now, 
44 4 Amadi, you are at the end of your journey. I engaged 
44 4 you to conduct me here; you are going to leave me/ 
Almost the same words are repeated a few lines afterwards ; 
with this difference, however, that Amadi Fatouma now 
quotes the remark as his own. 44 I said to him (Mr. Park) 
44 I have agreed to carry you to Haoussa ; we are now in 
44 Haoussa. I have fidjilled my engagements with you ; I am 
44 therefore going to leave you, and return." 

The Header will not need to be informed, that Amadi 
Fatouma's account goes on to state, that Park and his party 
lost their lives the day after he (Amadi) had thus parted 
from them ; and that they had previously thrown into the 
river 44 every thing they had in the canoe a proceeding 
for which no sufficient reason is afforded by the details in 
the Journal. 

We are quite disposed to make all due allowances for 
the evidence of an African, conveyed to us through an 
uncertain translation; but, we really think, that the 
discordances which we have quoted, (joined to other 
improbabilities in the Narrative) warrant a suspicion that, 
either with respect to the circumstances of Park's death, 
or to the appropriation of his effects, Amadi Fatouma 
had something to conceal. We are not, however, very 


144 Adams's ill-treatment.—Death of the Mate. [Notes 52, 53. 

confident that the further prosecution of this inquiry could 
lead to any satisfactory conclusion; for whatever suspicion 
it might tend to throw on Amadi Fatouma's statement of 
the time , place , and circumstances of Park's lamented death, 
it could not, we fear, justify a reasonable doubt, at this 
distant period, of the actual occurrence, in some mode or 
other, of the melancholy event itself. 

Note 52, p. 73. 

I heard from several other persons of the ill-treatment 
which Adams received from Hameda-Bel-Cossim , his 
master's son; and the Moors who visited Wed-Noon 
corroborated the account of his unshaken resolution, and 
of the punishment which he suffered in consequence of it, 
having been put in irons and in prison. D. 

Note 53, p. 73. 

I have no reason to doubt the truth of the circumstances 
here related by Adams respecting Stephen Dolbie, except 
as to the fact of his dying in consequence of a wound given 
by Brahim. Other accounts stated that he died at Wed- 
Noon of a fever only, the effects of a cold contracted by 
gathering in the harvest during heavy rain : and this, as 
far as I can recollect, was the account which Adams gave 


Note 54] 


Christian Slaves. 


145 


me at Mogadore. I remember that he told me he had 
assisted at Dolbie’s interment, and that he had afterwards 
covered the grave with stones. D. 

Note 54, p. 74. 

I can easily believe Adams’s statement of the brutal 
treatment he experienced at Wed-Noon. It is consistent 
with the accounts I have always heard of the people of that 
country, who I believe to be more bigotted and cruel than 
even the remoter inhabitants of the Desert. The three 
men of the Charles’s crew already mentioned, complained 
vehemently of the miseries they had suffered, though they 
had been but a comparatively short time in slavery; and 
one of them shewed me a scar upon his breast, which 
he told me was the mark of a wound given him by one of 
the Arabs. 

In the frequent instances which have come under my 
observation, the general effect of the treatment of the Arabs 
on the minds of the Christian captives has been most 
deplorable. On the first arrival of these unfortunate men 
at Mogadore, if they have been any considerable time in 
slavery, they appear lost to reason and feeling, their spirits 
broken, and their faculties sunk in a species of stupor 
which I am unable adequately to describe. Habited like 
U 


146 


Christian Slaves-. 


[Note 54. 


the meanest Arabs of the Desert they appear degraded 
even below the Negro slave. The succession of hardships, 
which they endure from the caprice and tyranny of their 
purchasers, without any protecting law to which they can 
appeal for alleviation or redress, seems to destroy every 
spring of exertion or hope in their minds; they appear 
indifferent to every thing around them,—abject, servile, and 
brutified. 

Adams alone was in some respects an exception from 
this description. I do not recollect any ransomed Christian 
slave who discovered a greater elasticity of spirit, or who- 
sooner recovered from the indifference and stupor here 
described. 

It is to be remarked that the Christian captives are 
invariably worse treated than the idolatrous or Pagan 
slaves whom the Arabs, either by theft or purchase, bring 
from the interior of Africa; and that religious bigotry is 
the chief cause of this distinction. The zealous disciples 
of Mohammed consider the Negroes merely as ignorant 
unconverted beings, upon whom, by the act of enslaving 
them they are conferring a benefit, by placing them within 
reach of instruction in the “ true beliefand the Negroes, 
having no hopes of ransom, and being often enslaved when 
children, are in general, soon converted to the Moharn- 


Note 54.] 


Christian Slaves. 


14T 


medan faith. The Christians, on the contrary, are looked 
upon as hardened infidels, and as deliberate despisers of 
the Prophet’s call; and as they in general stedfastly reject 
the Mohammedan creed, and at least never embrace it 
whilst they have hopes of ransom, the Mooslim, consistently 
with the spirit of many passages in the Koran, views them 
with the bitterest hatred, and treats them with every insult 
and cruelty which a merciless bigotry can suggest. 

It is not to be understood, however, that the Christian 
slaves, though generally ill treated and inhumanly worked 
by their Arab owners, are persecuted by them ostensibly 
on account of their religion. They, on the contrary, often 
encourage the Christians to resist the importunities of those 
who wish to convert them : for, by embracing Islamism the 
Christian slave obtains his freedom; and however ardent 
may be the zeal of the Arab to make proselytes, it seldom 
blinds him to the calculations of self-interest 

A curious instance of the struggle thus excited between 
Mohammedan zeal and worldly interest, was related to me 
to have occurred at Wed-Noon, in the case of a boy 
belonging to an English vessel which had been wrecked on 
the neighbouring coast a short time previous to the 
« Charles/’ 

This boy had been persuaded to embrace the Moham- 


148 


Christian Slaves. 


[Note 54 


medan faith; but after a little while, repenting of what he 
had done, he publicly declared that he had renounced the 
doctrines of the Koran, and was again a Christian. To 
punish so atrocious an outrage, the Arabs of Wed-Noon 
resolved to burn him; and they would no doubt have 
punctually performed the ceremony, but for the interference 
of the man from whose service the boy had emancipated 
himself by his first conversion. This man contended, that 
by abjuring the Mohammedan faith, the boy had returned 
into his former condition of slavery, and was again his 
property; and in spite of the most opprobrious epithets 
which were heaped upon him (including even the term 
“ infidel/’ the horror and abomination of all true Moo- 
selmin) the man insisted that if they would burn the boy, 
they should first reimburse him for the value of a slave. 
Reluctant to lose their sacrifice, the Arabs now attempted 
to raise money by subscription to purchase the boy; and 
contributions were begged about the town to burn the 
Christian. But in the end, as they made slow progress 
towards obtaining by these means a sufficient sum to pur¬ 
chase the boy, they relinquished their project; the owner, 
however was shortly afterwards obliged to remove his slave 
to another part of the country, to secure him from private 
assassination. D. 


Note 55.] Davison and Williams escape from Wed-Noon. 149 


Note 55, p. 74. 

Adams describes correctly the tenor of my Letter 
addressed to the survivors of the crew of the “ Charles" at 
Wed-Noon. His account, also, of the behaviour of Williams, 
is confirmed by the testimony of the man whom I employed 
to purchase Adams, who was a Moor,—and not, as Adams 
supposes, an European in disguise. He informed me that 
he found that Adams's two companions had embraced the 
Mohammedan faith; but that the younger, in particular, 
interested him so deeply by his tears, and by his earnest 
supplications that he would take him to Mogadore, that he 
could not himself refrain from tears ; and was half inclined 
to steal him away let the consequence be what it would. 
He also assured me that he gave him some money at 
parting, and a few rags for clothing. 

Just previous to my quitting Mogadore in October, 1814, 
these two men contrived to make their escape as Moham¬ 
medans, from Wed-Noon, and reaching Mogadore in 
safety, they staid there only a few hours and then departed 
for Tangier. I learnt shortly afterwards that upon their 
arrival at the latter city, they claimed the protection of 
their respective Consuls there, (one of the men being an 
Englishman and the other an American) disclaiming the 
Mohammedan faith; but it was not without much difficulty 


150 


Bled- Cidi-Heshem. 


[Note 56. 


and negotiation, during which time the men were placed 
in confinement, that they were ultimately liberated and 
restored to the Christian world. D. 

Note 56, p. 76. 

1 was informed by the man who brought Adams to 
Mogadore, that he had passed through the country called 
Bled Cidi Heshem, on his return; having gone for the 
purpose of purchasing another of the Charles's crew, 
(Martin Clark, a black man,) who was in slavery there, in 
which he could not then succeed. 

The country is just on the southern confines of the 
Emperor's dominions. It is a small independent state of 
Shilluh, and (as described by Adams) lies in lower Suse. The 
Chief here mentioned, the Cid Heshem, who has success¬ 
fully resisted the endeavours of his neighbours to subvert 
his government, is the descendant of Cidi Hamet a Monssa , 
a reputed modern Saint, who during his life was highly 
venerated for his justice and piety, and whose tomb, since 
his death, has been resorted to by religious Mooselmin 
from many parts of South Barbary and the Desert. This 
chief has lalely opened an extensive trade with Soudan, for 
gums, cottons, and ostrich feathers, ivory, gold-dust, and 
slaves, which are sold by his agents at the great annual 


151 


M°te 59.] Bled-Cidi-Heshern. 

market of Mamet a Moussa. The traders from Southern 
Barbary resort to this market in great numbers; and I 
have heard it asserted that they can there purchase, for 
money, the produce of Soudan, to more advantage than 
they can themselves import it, without taking into account 
the risks and fatigues of the journey; insomuch that but 
for the important object of disposing of their own commo¬ 
dities in barter, in the Douars of the Desert and the 
markets of Soudan, I apprehend that very few of the 
native traders of Barbary would continue to cross the 
Desert. 

It appears by the account which Adams subsequently 
gives of this market, that he must have been there; and 
the time of his journey corresponds with the season when 
it is held: but I think he must have committed an error 
in placing it more than a day's journey from the residence 
of the Cid Heshem ; as the sanctuary and market of Cidi 
Hamet a Moussa are within the small territory of this Chief, 
who himself presides during the market days, to preserve 
order and tranquillity. 

The inhabitants of this district, as I have stated before, 
are Shilluh; who are a distinct race from the Arabs, and 
have different dress, customs, and language. They live in 
houses built of stone, which are generally situated on 


152 Confirmation of Adams's Statement. [Note 57. 

eminences and fortified, for security in their domestic 
wars. They are possessed of a fertile country, producing 
abundance of barley and some wheat. The fruits and 
vegetables common in South Barbary are also grown here. 
Their sheep and goats are of the finest breed, and are 
frequently brought to Mogadore as presents: and their 
camels are much esteemed for their patience and great 
power of enduring fatigue.* D . 

Note 57, p. 79- 

I did frequently interrogate Adams, when at Mogadore, 
respecting his travels in Africa; and frequently sent for 
persons who had been at the places he described, in order 
to confront their accounts with his, and especially to ascer¬ 
tain the probability of his having been at Timbuctoo. 
Amongst these individuals was a Shieck of Wed-Noon, a 
man of great consideration in that country, who had been 
several times at Timbuctoo in company with trading 
parties; and who, after questioning Adams very closely 
respecting that city and its neighbourhood, assured me 
that he had no doubt that he had been there. Another 
Moorish trader who was in the habit of frequenting Tim¬ 
buctoo gave me the same account. In short, it was their 

* For a more detailed description of the Shilluh , see the Appendix, No. II. 


Notes 58, 59,60.] Fez.—— Tangier. — Reckonings. 


153 


universal opinion that he must have been at the places he de¬ 
scribed, and that his account could not be a fabrication. B. 

Note 58, p. 79 • 

I did, about the time stated by Adams, send him to 
Fez to the Emperor, under the protection of one soldier 
and a muleteer. B. 


Note 59, p- 81. 

Having visited Tangier myself a few months afterwards, 
I there learnt from Mr. Simpson, that he had sent Adams 
to Cadiz a few days after his arrival. B. 

Note 60, p. 81. 

Upon a minute examination of Adams's Narrative, a 
considerable difference will be found to exist between his 
collective estimates of the time he remained in Africa, and 
the actual interval between the dates of his shipwreck and 
return; the aggregate of the former amounting to about 
four years and three months, whilst the real time does not 
appear to have exceeded three years and seven months. It 
is not difficult to conceive that the tedium of so long a 
period of slavery and wretchedness would easily betray 
Adams into an error of this nature; especially in a situa- 

X 


154 Reckonings of Time and Distance. [Note 60 . 

tion where he possessed no means of keeping a minute 
account of the lapse of time ; and it is reasonable to pre¬ 
sume, that when he speaks of having resided six months at 
one place, eight at another, and ten at a third, he has, in 
each of these estimates, somewhat over-rated the real 
duration of these tedious and wretched portions of his 
existence. 

When this discrepancy in his statements was pointed out 
to him, and he was led to reconsider in what part of his 
Narrative the error lay, it did not appear to change his 
persuasion of the accuracy of any detached portion of his 
estimates. He did however express his peculiar conviction 
that he was at least accurate in the number of days occupied 
in his journeys from place to place. On this occasion, as 
on many others in the course of his numerous examinations^ 
it was impossible not to derive from the indisposition 
which he evinced to conform to the opinion of others, upon 
points on which he had once given an opposite deliberate 
opinion of his own, a strong impression of his general 
veracity and sincerity. 

It was at Wed-Noon that the first opportunity occurred 
to him after his shipwreck, of correcting his reckoning of 
time ; his arrival at which place, (as he was informed by 
the French renegade whom he found there) having occurred 


Note 60.] 


Reckonings of Time and Distance. 


155 


about the middle of August, 1812, or about eight months 
earlier than his own computation would have made it. 
Assuming therefore the Frenchman's account to have been 
correct, and deducting Adams's excess of time in relative 
proportions from his stationary periods at Tombuctoo, 
Woled D'leim, and other places, the following will be the 
probable dates of the several stages of his travels. 

1810, October 11—Shipwrecked at El Gazie. 

December 13.—Set out on the expedition to 

Soudenny. 

1811, February 5.—Arrived at Tombuctoo. 

June 9-—Departed from Ditto.* 

August 11.—Arrived at Woled D'leim. 

1812, March 7.—Departed from Ditto. 

June 20.—Departed from El Kabla. 

August 23.—Arrived at Wed-Noon. 

1813, September 23.—Departed from Ditto. 

October 6 .—Arrived at Mogadore. 

1814, April 22. —Departed from Ditto. 

May 17-—Arrived at Cadiz. 

To this statement with respect to time, we may add the 

* He says they had a few drops of rain before his departure, which in some 
degree confirms the accuracy of this date ; since the tropical rains in the latitude 
of Tombuctoo, may be supposed to commence early in June. 


156 


Reckonings of Time and Distance. 


| Note 60. 


following summary of the distances of his respective 
journeys, collected from the Narrative at his highest 
estimates. 





Rate in 

Distance. 1 

JOURNIES. 

Days. 

Course. 

Miles. 

From El Gazie to the Douar in the 




. 

Desert - 

30 

E.f S. 

15 

450 

On the Journey to Soudenny 

13 

S.S.E. 

20 

260 ' 

Ditto Ditto 

To the Village where the Moors were 

4 

S.S.E.fS. 

20 

80 

put to death - 

10 

E. 

20 

200 

To Tombuctoo - 

15 

E. by N. 

20 

300 

Distance in British Miles from the 





Coast to Tombuctoo 




1290 

To the point of departure from La 


E.N. E. 



Mar Zarah - 

10 

18 

180 

— Taudeny - 

13 

N. 

18 

234 

— the border of the Sandy DeseTt 

1 

N.W. 

20 

20 

In the Sandy Desert 

14 

— 

18 

252 

Ditto - 

From the edge of the Sandy Desert 

15 


12 

180 

to Woled D’leim 

1 

— 

12 

12 

To El Kabla 

2 

N. by VV. 

— 

30 

— Woled Aboussehah 

9 

N.E. 

18 

162 

— Woled Adrialla 

6 

N.N.W, 

25 

150 

— Aiata Mpuessa Ali 

3 

N.W. 

18 

54 

— Wed-Noon - 

5 i 

— 

16 

80 

— Akkadia - 

1 

N. 

30 

30 

— Bled Cidi Heshem , 

2 

N.E. 

30 

60 

— Agadeer or Santa Cruz , 

4 

N. by W. 

— 

90 

— Suerra or Mogadore - - | 

4 

1 

N. 

20 

10 

80 

10 

Distance in British Miles from 





Tombuctoo to Mogadore 

- - 

; - - - 

- 

1624 | 


These distances, as well as the courses of his journies* 
will be found accurately represented by the ruled line in 



















Note 60 .] Reckonings of Time and Distance. 


157 


the Map: and it is impossible to observe how nearly they 
approach to what may be presumed to be the truth, without 
being astonished at Adams's memory, and at the precision 
with which he estimated his course with no other compass 
than the rising and setting of a vertical sun. 


[ 158 ] 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 

We shall close our remarks on Adams’s Narrative with a 
brief review, of the extent to which it has hitherto been con¬ 
firmed, and of the credibility of those parts of it which still 
rest on his own unsupported testimony. The first part of 
this examination may be disposed of in a very few words. 

The preceding notes will be found to contain an unin¬ 
terrupted chain of evidence by which his course may be 
traced backwards from London, through Cadiz, Tangier, 
Mequinez, Fez, Mogadore, and Wed-Noon, to the Douar of 
El Kabla in the depths of the Desert. His adventure with 
Aisha at El Kabla—the fame of which preceded him to 
Mogadore, and adhered to him during his residence at 
Wed-Noon—sufficiently establishes the identity of the indi¬ 
vidual whom Mr. Dupuis received from the Desert. From 
Mogadore, he is delivered into the hands of the American 
Consul at Tangier, who, in his turn, transmits him to Cadiz, 
where he is traced into the service of Mr. Hall. The Cadiz 
gentleman who first discoverd him in the streets of London, 
supplies the last link to this chain of identity; and completes 
the proof (strengthened by other circumstances) that the 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


159 


gallant of Aisha at El Kabla, and the Tombuctoo-traveller 
in London, whether known by the name of Adams , or Rose, 
is one and the same individual. 

Passing now to the earlier part of his adventures, we find 
the time and circumstances of his shipwreck, and his con¬ 
veyance eastward into the Desert, confirmed by three of the 
Charles's crew who were first ransomed ; whilst, on the other 
hand, the fact of the individual in question being actually 
one of the seamen of the Charles, is fully established by the 
testimony of Davison and Williams , his comrades at Wed- 
Noon, who may be said to have delivered him, as such, into 
the hands of Mr. Dupuis' agent,—and who confirmed the 
fact upon their subsequent arrival at Mogadore.* 

Thus far Adams's story is supported and confirmed by 
direct external evidence. We have seen it accompany him 
far into the Desert; and there find him again, at a greater 
distance from the coast than any other Christian, we be¬ 
lieve, has ever been traced in these inhospitable regions. 
But between these two points of his advance and return, a 
wide interval occurs, during which we entirely lose sight of 

* It ought to be mentioned in this place, because it affords an additional 
proof of A dams’s accuracy on such points as he ought to be well acquainted 
with, that ten of the eleven individuals composing the crew of the Charles at the 
time of her wreck, were either ransomed by Mr. Dupuis, or accounted for to 
him through other channels than Adams, by the same names , (his own excepted). 


196 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


him : and we must therefore be content to receive this part 
of his story on his own credit alone, illustrated by such 
indirect corroborations as we may be enabled to glean from 
other sources. 

This unsupported part of Adams’s story extends, it will 
be seen, from the Douar to which he was first conveyed 
from the coast, until his arrival at El Kabla; occupying a 
period of fifteen or sixteen months;—a period which the 
Narrative fills up with the expedition to Soudenny,—the 
journey to, and residence at, Tombuctoo,—and the return 
through Taudenny across the Desert to Woled D’leim and 


which the latter has given in the first page of this Narrative. 
Mr. Dupuis’ memorandum on the subject. 

Harrison, Capt. died immediately after the wreck. 
Nicholas, Seaman. 

Newsham, ditto. 


The following is 


Nelson, ditto, 


Ransomed three months after the wreck. 


Dolbie, Mate, died at Wed-Noon in 1813. 

Rose, (alias Adams), ransomed ditto 

Clark, black seaman, ditto, - 1814. 

Davison, seaman, 1 _ , , _ T , V i , . 

t Renagades at Wed-Noon, but liberated in Is 14. 
Williams, boy, -> 

Matfhews, an old man, reported to have died in the Desert. 


Recapitulation, 7 liberated, 

3 dead, 

1 unaccounted for, 

11 Total number stated by Adams; of whom Stephens alone, 
(whom he says he left at Woled Dleim,) was never heard of by Mr. Dupuis. 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


161 


El Kabla. We do not deem it. necessary to extend our 
examination to the whole of these journeys, because if we 
shall be fortunate enough to satisfy the Reader that Adams 
is entitled to credit as far as Tombuctoo, we conceive that 
no doubt can be raised respecting his journey from thence 
to El Kabla. 

We have already entered so fully into the question of the 
probability of the expedition to Soudenny, in Note7 5 p-91? 
that the reader would hardly excuse as for repeating in this 
place the arguments which were there adduced in support of 
it. We shall therefore confine our remarks to the journey 
from thence to Tombuctoo. 

But before we enter upon this examination, we are anxi¬ 
ous to caution our readers against suspecting us of setting 
up any pretensions to minute accuracy, either in the situa¬ 
tion which we have assigned to Soudenny in the Note in 
question, or in any positions of places in the map adjusted 
from data necessarily so vague as those afforded by Adams: 
neither must it be forgotten on the other hand, that the pre¬ 
cise situations of the places which we have used as the 
standards of his accuracy, are rather assumed than proved. 
There may be errors in both cases : and in the latter, it is 
at least as probable that such errors may contribute to 
increase the apparent inaccuracy of Adams's positions, as 

Y 


162 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


that they lend to those positions any undue degree of pro¬ 
bability. Without, therefore, pretending to determine whe¬ 
ther the Negro dominion does actually reach to the 16th 
degree of north latitude under the assumed meridian of 
Soudenny, (that the Negro population extends so far we pre¬ 
sume no one will doubt), or whether Adams's real course lay 
further to the south than his Narrative warrants us in placing 
it, we must at least contend that the approximation of 
Adams's evidence on this part of his journey, to the best 
standards by which it can be tried, is astonishingly near;— 
so near indeed, that if w^e had not been assured, upon the 
undoubted authority of Mr. Dupuis, that the first account of 
his courses and distances which he gave when fresh from the 
Desert, afforded, with respect to Tombuctoo, the same results 
as those which we are now remarking , we should have been 
rather tempted to suspect that this degree of coincidence 
was the result of contrivance, than to have derived from the 
degree of his discordance with other authorities any doubts 
of the reality of his journies. Those who are most con¬ 
versant with questions of this nature will best appreciate 
the extreme difficulty which an unscientific individual must 
find in even approaching to the truth in his computations of 
the direction and extent of a long succession of journies : 
even the evidence of so practised an observer as Park was 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


m 


not sufficiently precise to secure the eminent compiler of 
the Map of his first Journey from very considerable inaccu¬ 
racies, which Park on his second mission, by the aid of 
his instruments of observation, was enabled to correct. 

On the whole, since the circumstances stated by Mr. 
Dupuis entirely preclude all suspicion of contrivance in 
Adams's account of his route in Africa, (a contrivance 
which he was too ignorant to invent himself, and in which, 
when he arrived from the Desert, he had had no opportunity 
of being instructed by others) we do not conceive how it is 
possible to resist the circumstantial corroboration of his 
story which the application of his route to the Map affords; 
unless, indeed, by resorting to the preposterous supposition 
that so uniform an approach to the truth, throughout a 
journey of nearly three thousand miles, could be purely 
accidental. But to return to the particular question be¬ 
fore us. 

In addition to the grounds already adduced for placing 
Soudenny within the Bambarran territories, Adams may 
fairly claim the advantage of another circumstance men¬ 
tioned by Park; we mean the fluctuating state of the line of 
boundary itself Considerable changes in that respect had 
occurred within a few months of the period when Park 
crossed the frontier in question:— the seeds of further 


164 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


changes were perceptible, both in the restless and marauding 
disposition of the Moors, and in the preponderating strength 
of the King of Bambarra: and it would by no means 
follow (if the question were really of importance to Adams's 
story) that the northern frontiers of the state must, in 1811, 
be the same as they were supposed to be in 1796.* 

Placing Soudenny, therefore, within the frontiers of 
Bambarra, in the sixteenth or possibly the fifteenth degree 
of North latitude, and about the fifth or sixth of West longi¬ 
tude, we shall find Adams's account of his course and 
distance from thence to Tombuctoo, approach with extra¬ 
ordinary accuracy to the line of journey required. We 
possess too little knowledge of the countries through which 
this route would lie, to pronounce with any confidence 
upon the probability of the circumstances of his journey. 
What we can at present know upon the subject must be 
learnt from Park; —who informs us, that to the eastward of 
Bambarra, between that kingdom and Tombuctoo, lies the 
Foulah kingdom of Masina. It is not known to what 

* In one direction at least, (to the West) the King of Bambarra’s frontiers 
appear to have been much extended in 1810; for according to Isaaco’s Journal, 
4to. p. 194, they cannot be placed more than three or four short days journey 
from Giocha ( Joko ); although according to Park’s first map, the distance from 
Joko to the nearest frontiers of Bambarra is at least ten day’s journey. There 
had been a war in 1801, in these parts ; being the second war in six years. 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


165 


latitude the northern frontiers of the latter kingdom extend; 
but we are told that it is bounded on that side by the 
Moorish kingdom of Beeroo; and there is great reason to 
suppose, with Major Rennell,* that the Moorish population 
which to the westward touches the Senegal, does from that 
point incline in a oblique line to the northward of east, as 
it advances from the west along the limits of Soudan. 
Admitting this retrocession of the Moors towards the 
Desert, the Negroes of Soudenny would find a secure route, 
through Negro countries , along the extreme frontiers of 
Bambarra and Masina to the borders of Tombuctoo, gene¬ 
rally in the direction described by Adams. 

Why the Negroes, if they were actually Bambarrans, 
should convey their prisoners to Tombuctoo rather than to 
Sego, may not perhaps be quite so apparent as some of 
Adams's readers may require: but it would be pushing 
the caution of incredulity to an unreasonable extreme to 
disbelieve the asserted fact on that account alone. Desirous 


* See Park’s First Mission, Appendix, 4to. p. lxxxix. 

f Adams states his route to have lain through barren and uninhabited dis¬ 
tricts; and Park speaking of Soudan generally, says, first Mission, 4to. p. 26*1, 
“ the borders of the different kingdoms were either very thinly peopled, or 
entirely deserted.” See also his Account of the country, east of Benowm, near 
the frontiers of Bambarra, p. 116 ,— (t a sandy country.”—p. 121, r< a hot sandy 
country covered with small stunted shrubs.” 


166 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


as we may be supposed to be, to obviate the doubts of the 
most sceptical, we can hardly venture to suggest any 
motives for this journey which are not supplied by the 
Narrative itself, or by some collateral testimony. Yet, we 
will hazard this brief remark, that if it were the object of 
the Negroes to place their prisoners in a situation where 
they would be at once secure from rescue, yet accessible 
to the interference of their fellows for the purpose of ransom, 
(for it must be remembered that the imprisoned Arabs 
did not belong to a neighbouring state, but were a troop 
of marauders from a distant tribe of the Desert) we can 
hardly conceive a more probable course than that of con¬ 
veying them to Tombuctoo. 

We are aware that it may be objected to these remarks 
that they take for granted, that Tombuctoo is a Negro state, 
and at least in amity with, if not a dependency of, the King 
of Bambarra: and we shall probably be told that Tom¬ 
buctoo is under the dominion of the Moors, and that 
Adams's account of it must consequently be untrue. 

In reply to such an objection we would by no means 
deny that Adams's entire liberation of Tombuctoo from the 
tyranny of the Moors or Arabs, does present a difficulty,— 
especially with reference to Park's information on the 
same subject. But let us fairly examine how the question 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


16T 


stands with respect to Adaras^ testimony on the one hand, 
and the evidence to which it is opposed on the other. 

In Adams we find an individual relating travels and 
adventures, which are indeed singular and extraordinary, 
but are told with the utmost simplicity and bear strong 
internal marks of truth. Placed in a wide and untravelled 
region, where a mere narrator of fables might easily persuade 
himself that no one would trace or detect him, we find 
Adams resisting the temptation (no slight one for an igno¬ 
rant sailor) of exciting the wonder of the credulous, or the 
sympathy of the compassionate, by filling his story with 
miraculous adventures, or overcharged pictures of suffering. 
In speaking of himself he assumes no undue degree of 
importance. He is rather subordinate to the circumstances 
of the story, than himself the prominent feature of it; and 
almost every part of his Narrative is strictly in nature, and 
unpretending. 

Unexpectedly to this individual, and in his absence, an 
opportunity occurs of putting his veracity and his memory 
to the test, on many of the important points of his story: 
and the result of the experiment is, that all the facts to 
which the test will reach are, in substance, confirmed,— 
that none are disproved. Again, we are enabled by the 
same opportunity to try his consistency with himself at 


168 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


different periods : and we find him, after an interval of more 
than two years, adhering in every material point to the 
story which he told on arriving from the Desert. 

But a difficulty arises in the course of his Narrative: he 
states a fact which his hearers did not expect, and respect¬ 
ing which they had previously received evidence of a con¬ 
trary tendency. Nevertheless this unexpected fact contains 
nothing marvellous in itself, nothing even extraordinary ; 
nothing which can be conceived to afford the slightest 
temptation to such an individual to invent it: but it occurs 
simply, and in some measure even indirectly, in the chain 
of his evidence. 

If this is admitted to be a fair statement of the circum¬ 
stances under which Adams informs us that Tombuctoo is 
a Negro state: and if there is nothing suspicious in the 
internal character of this part of his evidence, we are not 
at liberty lightly to disbelieve it, because we think it 
improbable, or because it happens to want those collateral 
proofs by which other parts of his story have accidentally 
been confirmed: but, a manifest preponderance of unex¬ 
ceptionable evidence to the contrary, can alone justify us in 
rejecting it. 

For this evidence we must again have recourse to Park's 
first Travels (for the Journal of his Second Mission contains 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


169 


only one incidental notice on the subject) and we shall 
therein find a general description of Tombuctoo as a 
Moorish state, which he prefaces in these words (p. 213). 

66 Having thus brought my mind, after much doubt and 
“ perplexity, to a determination to return westward, I 
44 thought it incumbent on me, before I left Silla , to collect 
44 from the Moorish and Negro traders, all the information 
44 I could, concerning the further course of the Niger 
44 eastward, and the situation and extent of the kingdoms 
44 in its vicinage— and the following account of Tom¬ 
buctoo is part of the information which he says he thus 
collected at Silla (p. 215). 

44 To the north-east of Masina is situated the kingdom of 
44 Tombuctoo, the great object of European research; the 
44 capital of this kingdom being one of the principal mart's 
44 for that extensive commerce which the Moors carry on 
44 with the Negroes. The hopes of acquiring wealth in this 
44 pursuit, and zeal for propagating their religion, have filled 
44 this extensive city with Moors and Mahomedan converts ; 
44 and they are said to be more severe and intolerant in 
44 their principles than any other of the Moorish tribes in 
44 this part of Africa. I was informed by a venerable old 
44 Negro, that when he first visited Tombuctoo he took up 
44 his lodging at a sort of public inn, the landlord of which, 

Z 


170 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


44 when he conducted him into his hut, spread a mat upon 
44 the floor, and laid a rope upon it, saying, c if you are a 
64 4 Mussulman you are my friend,—sit down ; but if you 
“ 4 are a Kafir you are my slave; and with this rope I will 
“ 4 lead you to market/ The present King of Tombuctoo 
44 is named Abu Abrahima; he is reported to possess 
44 immense riches. His wives and concubines are said to 
44 be clothed in silk, and the chief officers of state live in 
44 considerable splendour. The whole expence of his go- 
44 vernment is defrayed, as I was told, by a tax upon mer- 
44 chandize, which is collected at the gates of the city.” 

To this account Major Rennell adds (doubtless on the 
verbal authority of Park), that the greatest proportion of 
the inhabitants were, nevertheless* Negi'oes. (Appendix, 
p. xc.) 

We are now to examine under what circumstances the 
information contained in this description was procured. Of 
his arrival and residence at Silla, Park gives us very minute 
details. His journey thither from Sego had been hurried, 
and his situation extremely distressing during its whole 
course ; until, on the 29th July, at four o'clock in the after¬ 
noon, he arrived at Moorzan, a fishing town on the northern 
bank of the Niger, 44 from whence,” he says, 44 I was 
u conveyed across the river to Silla, a large town, where I 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


171 


66 remained until it was quite dark under a tree surrounded 
44 by hundreds of people. Their language was very dif- 
“ ferent from [that of] the other parts of Bambarra. With 
44 a great deal of entreaty the Dooty allowed me to come 
44 into his balloon to avoid the rain; but the place was 
44 very damp, and I had a smart paroxysm of fever during 
44 the night. Worn down by sickness and exhausted with 
44 hunger and fatigue, 1 was convinced by painful experi- 
44 ence that the obstacles to my further progress were 
44 insurmountable.” Happily for himself, and for that 
science whose limits his return was so widely to extend,— 
this determination was no sooner adopted than executed; 
and at eight o’clock the next morning he stepped into a 
canoe, and commenced his painful return to the westward; 
having only spent at Silla one wretched night in sickness 
and despondency. 

It is impossible for any of our readers to view the un¬ 
quenchable zeal and intrepidity of Park with higher admi¬ 
ration than we do ; and merely to express our belief that 
before he thus resolved to return he 44 had made,” as he 
states, 44 every effort to proceed which prudence could 
44 justify,” would be to render, in our opinion, very imper¬ 
fect justice to his unparallelled ardour of enterprise and 
enduring perseverance. Joining to these higher qualifica- 


172 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


tions, admirable prudence in his intercourse with the 
natives, and a temper not to be ruffled by the most trying 
provocations, he exhibited on his first journey an union of 
qualities often thought incompatible; an union which in 
our days we fear we cannot expect to see again, directed to 
the same pursuits. We will further add, that to our feelings 
scarcely an individual of the age can be named, who has 
sunk, under circumstances of deeper interest than this 
lamented traveller: whether we consider the loss which 
geographical science has suffered in his death, or whether 
we confine our views to the blasted hopes of the individual, 
snatched away from his hard-earned, but unfinished, 
triumph; and leaving to others that splendid consumma¬ 
tion which he so ardently sought to achieve. True it is, that 
the future discoverer of the termination of the Niger must 
erect the structure of his fame on the wide foundation with 
which his great predecessor has already occupied the 
ground : but though the edifice will owe its very existence 
to the labours of Park, yet another name than his will be 
recorded on the finished pile: 

“ Hos ego—feci, tulit alter honores.” 

Peeling, as we do, this unaffected interest in the fate and 
fame of Park, it is hardly necessary to preface our further 
remarks with the declaration, that there is not a tittle of the 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


173 


evidence given upon the authority of his own observation, 
which we should not feel it a species of sacrilege to dispute. 
But the case is different with respect to those details which 
he gives on hearsay evidence only,—which we may fairly, 
and which we ought, to try by the circumstances by which 
Park himself enables us to estimate their pretensions to 
accuracy. 

Availing ourselves of this undeniable, and as we hope, 
not invidious, privilege, we shall find that a situation can 
hardly be imagined less favourable to the acquisition of 
authentic information, than that which Park describes during 
the single melancholy night which he passed at Silla. He 
had before told us (p. 181.), that he was not well acquainted 
with the Foulah language spoken in Bambarra; and he 
informs us that he found the language of Silla “ very dif- 
“ ferent" even from that of the more western parts of the 
kingdom : but the extent of his difficulty in that respect 
may be gathered from what he relates of his arrival even at 
Sansanding, where he found the people “ speaking a variety 
of different dialects all equally unintelligible" to him, and 
where he was obliged to have recourse to the interpretation 
of his Sego guide; who, however, did not accompany him 
in his further progress to Silla. 

Obtaining therefore, his information from Negroes at 


174 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


more than two hundred miles distance from Tombuctoo, 
and probably through the medium of Negro interpreters, 
we cannot be surprised either that it should not be accurate 
in itself, or that, such as it was, it should not be very 
accurately understood. We believe there is no person, 
who can speak from his own experience on the subject, 
who will not bear testimony to the extreme uncertainty, not 
to say general inaccuracy, of the information to be obtained 
from the natives of Africa, whether Mohammedans or 
Pagans. Jealousy and suspicion of the objects of such 
inquiries on the one hand, and unobserving ignorance on 
the other, render both Negro and Moor alike unwilling, or 
unable, to disclose the secrets of the interior to any 
European. The whole of Park's communications leave 
not the smallest doubt respecting the temper of the trading 
Moors towards him. He also remarks, page 214, how 
little information is to be expected from a Negro trader 
of the countries through which he passes in search of gain, 
—of which he affords us the following striking instance 
in the commencement of his Journey. “ I was referred/’ 
he says, p. 8, “ to certain traders called Slatees. These 
“ were free black merchants of great consideration in those 
et parts of Africa, who come down from the interior 
countries. But I soon discovered that very little depend- 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


157 


“ eiice could be placed on the accounts which they gave: 
“ f° r they contradicted each other in the most important 
“ particulars ** To what degree the natives of Silla would 
have contradicted each other in their accounts of Tom- 
buctoo, Park's short stay there could not have allowed him 
time to ascertain; even if his knowledge of their language 
had enabled him to understand their accounts as well as he 
did those of the Slatees on the Gambia. 

This appears to be the state of the evidence which places 
the government of Tombuctoo in the hands of the Moors : 
and it really does appear to us, that it is at least neutralized 
by other evidence which may fairly be opposed to it; we 
mean, the uniform testimony of the natives of Barbary, 
who have traded to Tombuctoo. The reader will not have 
forgotten that all the accounts which Mr. Dupuis collected 
from such individuals, some of them men of high authority 
and credit amongst their countrymen, spoke of Tombuctoo 
as being now in all respects a Negro state. The liear-say 
evidence of Mr. Jackson goes decidedly to the same point ; 
and although that gentleman may have given an injudicious 
importance to such testimony in his book, it ought not on 
that account alone to be entirely disregarded. The fact 
then being undeniable that the most creditable of the 
Barbary traders who cross the Desert do not assign the 


176 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


dominion of Tombuctoo to the Moors; and their testimony 
being apparently free from suspicion, because, in opposition 
to that which would most gratify their vanity, we cannot 
but thirds: that it is at least as likely to be accurate as the 
reports of the Negroes whom Park consulted at Silla; 
taking, as we ought, into account, the disadvantages both 
of language and situation under which he consulted them, 
and not forgetting the reserve with which he himself teaches 
us to receive their testimony.* 

Having, as we trust, said sufficient to satisfy the Reader, 
that there is nothing in the character of Adams's general 
evidence which can warrant the arbitrary rejection of his 
authority on points which are merely improbable; and 
having shewn that the evidence of others on the particular 
point at issue, is at least of doubtful preponderance, we 
will just say one word on the probability that the story of 
the “ old Negro," at Silla, may be strictly true, with 

* Several instances of the contradictory testimony of the Negroes occur in 
Park’s Travels. Jinnie, for instance, is stated in his first Mission to be situated 
on the Niger; but on his second Journey he renounces that opinion on 
the apparently good authority of an old Somonie (canoe-man) <£ who had 
“ been seven times at Tombuctoo.” This informant places it on the Ba Nimma 
in the sketch which is copied into Park’s Journal; and the latter accordingly 
says, p. 166, “ we shall not see Jinnie in going to Tombuctoo.” But Amadi 
Fatouma confirms the first account which Park received, and says, in describing 
their voyage down the Niger from Silla, “ we went in two days to Jinnie,” 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


m 


reference to the early period of which he may be supposed 
to speak, and yet that Adams's account may be equally 
true, of a very different state of things now. 

It is well known that the vernacular histories, both tra¬ 
ditionary and written, of the wars of the Moorish empire, 
agree in stating, that from the middle of the seventeenth 
century, Tombuctoo was occupied by the troops of the 
Emperors of Morocco ; in whose name a considerable 
annual tribute was levied upon the inhabitants: but that 
the Negroes, in the early part of the last century, taking 
advantage of one of those periods of civil dissension and 
bloodshed which generally follow the demise of any of 
the Rulers of Barbary, did at length shake off the yoke 
of their northern masters,—to which the latter were never 
afterwards able again to reduce them. Nevertheless, 
although the Emperors of Morocco (whose power even to 
the north of the Desert has been long on the decline) might 
be unable, at the immense distance which separates them 
from Soudan, to resume an authority which had once 
escaped from their hands; it is reasonable to suppose 
that the nearer tribes of Arabs would not neglect the 
opportunity thus afforded to them, of returning to their old 
habits of spoliation, and of exercising their arrogated supe- 
A a 


178 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


riority oven their Negro neighbours ;* and that this frontier 
state would thus become the theatre of continual contests, 
terminating alternately in the temporary occupation of 
Tombuctoo by the Arabs, and in their re-expulsion by the 
Negroes.-f 

We have seen this state of things existing in Ludamar to 
the west of Tombuctoo, where a Negro population is sub¬ 
jected to the tyranny of the Arab chieftain Ali; between 
whom and his southern neighbours of Bambarra and 
Kaarta we find a continual struggle of aggression and self- 
defence : and the well-known character of the Arabs would 
lead us to expect a similar state of things along the whole 
frontier of the Negro population. In the pauses of such a 


* Mr. Jackson was informed, (See his iC Account of Marocco,” 4 to. p. 250) 
that previous to the Moorish occupation of Timbuctoo (noticed in the text) 
the inhabitants had been subject to continual depredations from the Arabs of the 
adjacent countries. 

*}* To elucidate the state of things which we have here supposed, we need 
not go further than to the history of Europe in our own days. How often, 
during the successful ravages of the great Arab chieftain of Christendom, might 
we not have drawn from the experience of Madrid, or Berlin, or Vienna, or 
Moscow, the aptest illustration of these conjectures respecting Tombuctoo ? And 
an African traveller (if so improbable a personage may be imagined) who should 
have visited Europe in these conjunctures, might very naturally have reported 
to his countrymen at home, that Russia, Germany, and Spain were but provinces 
of France; and that the common sovereign of all these countries resided some¬ 
times in the Escurial and sometimes in the Kremlin! 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


179 


warfare we should expect to find no intermission of the 
animosity or precautions of the antagonist parties. The 
Arab, victorious, would be ferocious and intolerant even 
beyond his usual violences and the Koran or the halter , as 
described by the old Negro of Silla, would probably be the 
alternatives which he would offer to his Negro guest: 
whilst the milder nature of the Negro would be content 
with such measures of precaution and self-defence as might 
appear sufficient to secure him from the return of the 
enemy whom he had expelled,—without excluding the 
peaceful trader; and under the re-established power of the 
latter, we might expect to find at Tombuctoo, precisely 
the same state of things as Adams describes to have existed 
in 1811 .* 

The reserve with which we have seen grounds for re¬ 
ceiving the testimony of the natives of Africa, may reason¬ 
ably accompany us in our further comparative examination 
of their accounts, and those of Adams, respecting the 


* In the second volume of the Proceedings of the African Association, it 
is stated on the authority of VHagi Mohammed Sheriffe , that the King of 
Bambarra, at the head of a numerous army actually did take the government 
of Tombuctoo out of the hands of “ the Moors, 1 ’ in the year 1800. There ns, 
however, a disagreement between this Sheriffe and Park, respecting the name of 
the said King of Bambarra, whom the former calls Woollo. See Note 8, p. 92, 
respecting Woollo and Mansong, 


180 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


population and external appearance of the city of Tom- 
buctoo. Notwithstanding, therefore, the alleged splendour 
of its court, polish of its inhabitants, and other symptoms of 
refinement which some modern accounts (or speculations), 
founded on native reports, have taught us to look for, we 
are disposed to receive the humbler descriptions of Adams 
as approaching with much greater probability to the truth. 
Let us not, however, be understood, as rating too highly 
the value of a Sailor's reports. They must of necessity be 
defective in a variety of ways. Many of the subjects upon 
which Adams was questioned are evidently beyond the 
competency of such an individual fully to comprehend or 
satisfactorily to describe; and we must be content to reserve 
our final estimates of the morals, religion, civil polity, and 
learning (if they now have any) of the Negroes of Tom- 
buctoo, until we obtain more conclusive information than 
we can possibly derive from our present informant. Suffi¬ 
cient, however, may be gathered from his story, to prepare 
us for a disappointment of many of the extravagant ex¬ 
pectations which have been indulged respecting this 
boasted city. 

And here, we may remark, that the relative rank of 
Tombuctoo amongst the cities of central Africa, and its 
present importance with reference to European objects, 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. ' 


181 


appear to us, to be considerably over-rated. The descrip¬ 
tions of Leo in the sixteenth century, may indeed lend a 
colour to the brilliant anticipations in which some san¬ 
guine minds have indulged on the same subjects in the 
nineteenth; but with reference to the commercial pursuits 
of Europeans, it seems to have been forgotten, that the 
very circumstance which has been the foundation of the 
importance of Tombuctoo to the traders of Barbary, and 
consequently, of much of its fame amongst us,—its frontier 
situation on the verge of the Desert, at the extreme northern 
limits of the Negro population,—will of necessity have a 
contrary operation now; since a shorter and securer channel 
for European enterprise into the central regions of Africa, 
has been opened by the intrepidity and perseverance of 
Park, from the south-western shores of the Atlantic. 

Independently of this consideration, there is great reason 
to believe that Tombuctoo has in reality declined of late, 
from the wealth and consequence which it appears for¬ 
merly to have enjoyed. The existence of such a state of 
things as we have described in the preceding pages, the 
oppressions of the Moors, the resistance of the Negroes, 
the frequent change of masters, and the insecurity of pro¬ 
perty consequent upon these intestine struggles, would all 
lead directly and inevitably to this result. That they have 


182 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


led to it, may be collected from other sources than Adams. 
Even Park, to whom so brilliant a description of the city 
was given by some of his informants, was told by others, 
that it was surpassed in opulence and size, by Haoussa , 
IValet , and probably by Jinnie. Several instances also 
occur in both his Missions, which prove that a consider¬ 
able trade from Barbary is carried on direct from the 
Desert, to Sego and the neighbouring countries, without 
ever touching at Tombuctoo; and this most powerful of 
the states of Africa in the sixteenth century, according to 
Leo, is now, in the nineteenth, to all appearance, a mere 
tributary dependency of a kingdom which does not appear 
to have been known to Leo, even by name. 

Such a decline of the power and commercial importance 
of Tombuctoo, would naturally be accompanied by a 
corresponding decay of the city itself: and we cannot 
suppose that Adams's description of its external appearance 
will be rejected on account of its improbability, by those 
who recollect that Leo describes the habitations of the 
natives in his time, almost in the very words of the Nar¬ 
rative now;* and that the flourishing cities of Sego and 

* One of the numerous discordances between the different translations of Leo 
occurs in the passage here alluded to. The meaning of the Italian version is 
simply this,—that “ the dwellings of the people of Tombuctoo are cabins or 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


183 


Sansanding appear, from Park's accounts, to be built of 
mud, precisely in the same manner as Adams describes 
the houses of Tombuctoo. 

But whatever may be the degree of Adams’s coincidence 

it 

“ huts constructed with stakes covered with chalk (or clay) and thatched with 
“ straw.” — 44 le cui case sono capanne fatte di pali coperte di creta co i cortivi 
ii di paglia.” But the expression in the Latin translation, (which is closely 
followed by the old English translator, Pory), implies a state of previous splen¬ 
dour and decay,— 44 cujus domus omnes in tuguriola cretacea, stramineis tectis, 
44 sunt mutates? 

As we shall have occasion hereafter to point out another disagreement between 
the different versions of Leo, it may be expedient to inform some of our readers 
that the Italian translation here quoted, is described to have been made by 
Leo himself, from the original Arabic in which he composed his work; and he 
appears, by the following extract from the Preface of his Italian Editor, to 
have learnt that language, late in life, for this especial purpose. See the first 
volume of Ramusio’s Raccolto delle Navigations e Viaggi. Venetia , 1588. 

44 Cosi habito poi in Roma il rimanente della vita sua, dove imparo la lingua 
44 Italiana e leggere e scrivere, e tradusse questo suo libro meglio ch’ egli seppe di 
44 Arabo : il qual libro scritto da lui medesimo, dopo molti accidente pervenne 
44 nelle nostre mani; e noi con quella maggior diligenza che habbiamo potuto, 
44 ci siamo ingegnati con ogni fedelta di farlo venir in luce nel modo che hora si 
44 legge.”— 44 Thus he dwelt in Rome the remainder of his life, where he learnt 
44 to read and write the Italian language, and translated his Book from the 
44 Arabic in the best manner that he was able,” &c. &c. Supposing the Latin 
version to be a translation direct from the Arabic, that circumstance, and the 
preceding explanation, may afford a clue to the discordances to which we have 
alluded; but a reference to the Arabic original (which we believe is not to be 
found in any of our public libraries) could alone enable us to ascertain, 
whether the fault lay solely in the Latin translator’s ignorance of Arabic, 
or in Leo’s probable imperfect acquaintance with the Italian. We will only 
add, that in the passages which we have compared, the Italian and French, and 
the Latin and English translations, respectively agree with each other. 


184 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


y 

with other authorities, in his descriptions of the population 
and local circumstances of Tombuctoo, there is at least one 
asserted fact in this part of his Narrative, which appears 
to be peculiarly his own; the existence, we mean, of a 
considerable navigable river close to the city. To the truth 
of this fact Adams's credit is completely pledged. On 
many other subjects, it is possible that his Narrative might 
be considerably at variance with the truth, by a mere defect 
of memory or observation, and without justifying any 
imputations on his veracity; but it is evident that no such 
latitude can be allowed to him on the present occasion ; 
and that his statement respecting the La Mar Zarah , if 
not in substance true, must be knowingly and wilfully 
false. 

Those of our readers who have attended to the progress 
of African discovery, will recollect that Tombuctoo, although 
it is placed by the concurring testimony of several autho¬ 
rities, in the immediate vicinity of the Niger, is neverthe¬ 
less represented to lie at a certain distance from the river, 
not greater than a day's journey according to the highest 
statement, nor less according to the lowest, than twelve 
miles. To these statements, which may be presumed to 
approach very nearly to the truth, may be added, on pretty 
much the same authorities, that the town of Kabra on the 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


18 5 


Niger is the shipping port of Tombuctoo, lying at the 
aforesaid distance of twelve miles, or of a day’s journey, 
from the city. And neither Park, nor any other written 
authority (including the English translation of Leo, of 
which we shall say more hereafter) make any express 
mention of a communication by water with the city of 
Tombuctoo itself. 

Adams, however, as has been already observed, cannot 
have been mistaken in so important a fact as that which 
he has here stated. He never discovered the least hesi¬ 
tation in his repeated assertions of the proximity of the river 
to the town, or of his subsequent journey, for ten days, along 
its banks; and we cannot entertain the smallest doubt 
that the river exists precisely as he has described it. We 
shall presently shew to what extent the probability of this 
fact is countenanced by other considerations: and in the 
mean time, the two following alternatives present themselves, 
respecting the probable course of the river beyond the 
south-western point, to which Adams’s observation of it 
extendedeither, that it turns immediately, at a consi¬ 
derable angle, to the southward, and falls into the Niger in 
the neighbourhood of Kahra or, that continuing its 
south-westerly course from Tombuctoo, it empties itself 
into the lake Dibble , possibly at the northern inlet which 
Bb 


186 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


Park’s informants described to him as one of the two 
channels* by which that lake discharges the waters of the 
Joliba. Neither of these suppositions are inconsistent with 
the existence, or the importance to Tombuctoo, of the port 
of Kabra: for if, on the one hand, the communication of 
Adams's river with the Niger, lies through the lake Dibbie 9 
it will be seen by a glance at the Map, what a circuitous 
water-conveyance would be cut off by transporting from 
Tombuctoo across to Kabra, and shipping there such mer¬ 
chandize as should be destined for the eastward; and even 
if Kabra should be situated at the confluence of the La 
Mar Zarah and the Niger, its importance as the rendezvous, 
or point of contact with lombuctoo, for all the canoes 
coming either up or down the stream,—-from the west or 
from the east,—needs no explanation. 

We will now endeavour to shew what degree of counte¬ 
nance or corroboration other authorities aflord to the 
general fact, that there is a water communication between 

* The fact of a large lake like the Dibbie discharging its waters by two 
streams flowing from distant parts of the lake , and re-uniting after a separate 
course of a hundred miles in length, has always appeared to us extremely 
apocryphal: at least we believe, that the geography of the world does not afford 
a parallel case. The separation of rivers into various branches, in alluvial tracts 
on the sea coast, is a well known geological fact; but the case is essentially 
different with reference to a lake at so great a distance inland. 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


187 


the Niger, at some point of its course, and the city of 
Tombuctoo. 

In the first place, notwithstanding the distinct notice of 
Kabra both by Leo and Park, as the great resort of the 
trade of the Niger, and as the port of Tombuctoo, both 
these writers, especially Park in his last journey, speak 
indirectly on several occasions of sailing to and from Tom¬ 
buctoo, in such a manner as fairly to imply that they or 
their informants, meant, not the distant port of Kabra, but 
the city of Tombuctoo itself. The Barbary traders, also, 
whose reports are quoted by Mr. Dupuis, mention a river 
(which they, however, consider to be the Niger) as running 
close past the city ; and we are inclined to pay the greater 
attention to these reports, because we have always con¬ 
sidered it extremely improbable, that the greatest trading 
depdt in the interior of Africa (and such undoubtedly has 
been the city of Tombuctoo) lying so near to all the advan¬ 
tages of an extensive water communication like the Niger, 
should yet have no point of immediate contact with the 
river itself, or with any of its tributary branches. 

But there is, in the second place, strong reason to believe 
that Leo African us, the only writer who professes to de¬ 
scribe Tombuctoo from personal observation, will really be 
found to have noticed such a river as Adams has made us 


188 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


acquainted with. A comparison of the original Arabic in 
which Leo wrote, with the translations, could alone enable 
us to speak with perfect confidence on this subject; but we 
trust that we shall be able, by a brief examination of the latter, 
to shew that our opinion is not a gratuitous speculation. 

There are two passages in which Leo speaks of the 
relative situations ofTombuctoo and the Niger; the one in 
his chapter on Tombuctoo, and the other in that on Kabra; 
and our opinion of his meaning, on a joint consideration of 
both these passages, and of the ambiguity or contradiction 
of his translators, is this; that Tombuctoo is situated upon a 
branch or arm of the Niger twelve miles distant from the prin¬ 
cipal stream. We are aware that this construction is not 
warranted by the English translation,* which (following 
the Latin) states, that “ it is situate within twelve miles 
u of a certain branch of Niger but there is a peculiarity 
in the expression of the Latin translation, an ambiguity in 
that of the Italian version, and an inconsistency in both, 
between the passage in question and the context, which 
are open to much observation. The Italian translation 
(subject, always, to the explanation given in the Preface-f) 

* “ A Geographical Historie of Africa, written in Arabicke and Italian by 
44 John Leo, a More. Translated and collected by John Pory, lately of Gonville 
“ and Caius College.” London 1600. 

f See Note, pp. 182-3. 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


189 


must be considered as the best authority; its words are 
these: “ vicina a un ramo del Niger circa a dodici miglia f 
the ambiguity of which has been faithfully preserved by the 
French translator, who with a total disregard of idiom, and 
apparently little solicitude about meaning, thus copies it, 
word for word :* “ prochain d'un bras du Niger environ 
“ douze mile." The Latin Editor, however, takes more 
pains to explain his conception of the passage, which he 
conveys in the following words: “in duodecimo miliario 
“ a quodarn fluviolo situm fuit quod h Nigro flumine 
“ effluebat." 

Conjointly with this passage, thus translated, we must 
take into our consideration the other passage in the Chapter 
on Kabra, to which we before alluded; wherein Leo states 
(without any variation between his translators) that Tom- 
buctoo is distant twelve miles from the Niger. 

Now, supposing, on the one hand, that the literal mean¬ 
ing of the translations of the former passage implies, that 
Tombuctoo is situated twelve miles from a smaller river 
communicating with the Niger; and being certain, on the 
other, that the latter passage really means that Tombuctoo 
lies exactly the same distance from the Niger itself; admit¬ 
ting, we say, that there may be two distinct streams, each 
* Lyons Ed. folio 1556. 


190 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


precisely twelve miles distant from the city; is it probable 
that Leo, wishing to designate to his readers, in the former 
passage, the exact position of Tombuctoo, by its distance 
from some given point, should select for that purpose, not 
the far-famed Niger itself, but an equally remote, a smaller, 
and a nameless stream? Surely not. There can hardly 
be a doubt, that it is to the Niger, and to the same point of 
the Niger, that he refers in both passages; that the trans¬ 
lators, by a very trifling mistake in the Arabic idiom, or by 
a want of precision in their own, have given a different 
colour to his meaning; and that the smaller stream, the 
44 ramo del Niger," and the 44 fluviolum," is really the La 
Mar Zarali seen by Adams. 

We have been led into a more detailed examination of 
this part of the Narrative than we had at first anticipated ; 
but the question is of considerable interest, not merely with 
reference to the verification of Adams's story, but as con¬ 
taining in itself a probable solution of the mistakes and 
doubts by which the real course of the Niger (from west to 
east) was for so many ages obscured. If the La Mar Zarah 
really communicates with the Niger, either at Kabra, or 
through the Lake Dibbie, by a south-westerly course from 
Tombuctoo, we have at once a probable explanation of the 
origin of Leo's mistake, (so ably exposed and corrected by 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


191 


Major Rennell), in placing Ginea (Gana) to the westward 
of Tom buctoo. That Leo was never on the Niger itself is 
sufficiently evident, for he states it to flow from east to 
west; but knowing that the traders who embarked at 
Tombuctoo for Ginea* proceeded, in the beginning of their 
course, to the west or south-west with the stream, (which 
would be the case on Adams's river) he was probably thus 
misled into a belief that the whole of the course, as well as 
the general stream of the Niger, lay in that direction. 

We shall here close these imperfect Remarks; in which 
we have endeavoured to bring before the Reader such illus¬ 
trations as are to be collected from collateral sources, of die 
most original, or most objectionable, of those points of 
Adams's story which are unsupported by direct external 
evidence. We might have greatly multiplied our examples 
of the indirect coincidences between Adams's statements, 


* Leo says, that the merchants of Tombuctoo sailed to Ginea during the 
inundations of the Niger in the months of July, August, and September; which 
seems to imply, that at other seasons there was not a continuous passage by 
water. He also says in another place, that when the Niger rises, the waters flow 
through certain canals to the city (Tombuctoo). As these passages when con¬ 
sidered together, seem to infer that the navigation of the river of Tombuctoo 
(the La Mar Zarah) is obstructed by shallows during the dry season, they afford 
grounds for believing that Adams, when he saw that river (which was in the 
dry season) may have had good-reasons for d.ubting which way the stream 
really ran. 


192 


CONCLUDING REMARKS. 


an cl other authorities, respecting the habits, customs, and 
circumstances of the inhabitants of central Africa; which 
would have added to the other incontestible evidences of 
the genuineness and accuracy of his relations. But the 
detail will have been already anticipated by most of 
Adams's readers, and would, we hope, be superfluous to 
all. We shall therefore conclude, by noticing only two 
important circumstances, respectively propitious and ad¬ 
verse to the progress of discovery and civilization, which 
the present Narrative decidedly confirms; viz. the mild 
and tractable natures of the Pagan Negroes of Soudan , and 
their friendly deportment towards strangers , on the one hand, 
—and, on the other, the extended and baneful range of that 
great original feature qf African society — Slavery . 






















s 




APPENDIX. No. I. 


I 





9 









\ 


' 








. . - " ' 



[ 195 ] 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


At a time when the civilization and improvement of 
Africa, and the extension of our intercourse with the natives 
of that long-neglected country, seem to be among the 
leading objects of the British government and nation,— 
and when, with these views, great exertions are making to 
procure information respecting the interior of that vast and 
unknown continent ; the following account of Tombuctoo, 
and the trade and navigation of the Niger, may perhaps 
prove not altogether uninteresting. It was procured on a 
journey to Galarm in about the year 1764, for a gentleman 
who was then Governor of Senegal, by a person who acted 
as his Arabic interpreter. 

* “ Aprhs bien des difficultes, j^ai enfin trouve un homme 
qui est revenu de Tombuctoo depuis peu, qui in’a mieux 

* It may seem superfluous in the present enlightened age, to give a translation 
of a French paper; but there may still be some of our readers to whom the 
following, if not necessary, may be convenient. 

“ After many difficulties, I have at length found a man lately returned from 
Tombuctoo, from whom I have obtained better information of the country than 
from any other person. I have spoken to several merchants, who have reported 
some things to me, but I confide most in this last, who is lately returned, who 
has assured me that the vessels which navigate in the river of Tombuctoo do 




196 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


instruit du pays que personne. J'ai parle a plusieurs 
marchands, qui nTen ont compte quelque chose, mais je 
m’en rapporte mieux au dernier, qui en vient depuis peu ; 
qui ma assure que les batimens, qui naviguent dans la 
riviere de Tombuctoo, ne yiennent point de la grande mer ; 
que ce sont des batimens construits a Tombuctoo, qui sont 

not come from the sea; that they are vessels constructed at Tombuctoo, which 
are sewed either with cordage or with the bark of the cocoa tree, he does not 
exactly know which; that these vessels only go by tracking and by oars (or 
paddles). 

(i He says, that the inhabitants of the city of Tombuctoo are Arabs, that it 
is a large city, and that the houses have three or four stories. He says, that 
the caravans which come to Tombuctoo, come from the side of Medina, and 
bring stuffs, wliite linens, and all sorts of merchandise. That these caravans 
are composed only of camels, that they stop at the distance of half a league 
from Tombuctoo, and that the people of Tombuctoo go there to buy the goods, 
and take them into the city; afterwards, that they equip their vessels to send 
them to Genne , which is another city under the dominion of Tombuctoo, and 
that the inhabitants of Tombuctoo have correspondents there. The people of 
Genne in their turn equip their vessels, and put into them the merchandise 
which they have received from the people of Tombuctoo, with which they 
ascend the river. It is to be remarked that the separation of the two rivers is 
at half a league from Genne, and Genne is situated between the two rivers like 
an island. One of these rivers runs into Bambarra and the other goes to 
Betoo , which is a country inhabited by a people of a reddish colour, who are 
always at war with the Bambarras. When they go out to war against the 
Bambarras, they are always five months absent. After the barks of Genne 
have gone a great distance up the river, they arrive at the fall of Sodtasoo , 
where they stop and can proceed no further. There they unload their salt and 
other merchandise, and carry them upon the backs of asses, and upon their 
heads to the other side of the fall, where they find the large boats of the Negroes, 
which they freight; and ascend the river to the country of the Mandingoe 
who are called Malms , and who are near to the rock Goutina, 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


197 


cousfts soit avec du cordage, soit avec de Pecorce de coco, 
il ne le sait pas au juste; que ces batimens ne vont qu’au 
traite et a Paviron. 

“ II dit que ce sont des Arabes qui habitent la ville de 
Tombuctoo, que c'est une grande ville, que les maisons out 
trois ou quatre Stages. II dit, que les caravanes qui viennent 
a Tombuctoo, viennent du c6te de Medine,* et apportent 
toutes sortes de marchandises, des etoffes, et des toiles 
blanches ; que ces caravanes ne sont composees que de 
chameaux; qiPelles s’arretent k une demi lieue de Tom¬ 
buctoo, et que de la, les gens de Tombuctoo vont acheter 
les marchandises, et les apportent dans la ville; ensuite, 
qu'ils arment leurs batimens pour les envoyer a GemiS , qui 
est une autre ville sous la domination de Tombuctoo, et que 
les habitans de Tombuctoo y ont des correspondans. Ceux 
de Genn6 arment k leur tour leurs b&timens, et y mettent les 
marchandises qu’ils ont repus des b&timens de Tombuctoo, 
ct font monter leurs b&timens a leur tour, et leur font monter 
la riviere. II est k remarquer, que la separation des deux 
rivihres est a une demi lieue de Genne, et Genne se trouve 
entre les deux rivihres, comme une isle. Une de ces rivihres 
court dans la Bambarra , et Pautre va a Betoo , qui est un 
pays habit6 par un peuple rouge&tre, qui fait sans cesse la 
guerre aux Bambarras. Lorsqu'ils vont a la guerre contre 
les Bambarras, ils sont toujours cinq mois dehors. Aprhs 

* It appears from Mr. LecfyarcPs and Mr. Lucas’s communications to the 
African Association, that the caravans from Mecca, Medina, and all Egypt, 
arrive at Tombuctoo, by the same route as those from Mesurata, going round 
by Mourzouk, Proceedings of the African Association, 4to. 1/90, pp. 38, 8/. 


198 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


que les barques de Genn6 ont monte la riviere bien avant, 
ils trouvent la chftte de Sootasoo; ou ils s'arr£tent, et ne 
peuvent plus passer. La ils d^chargent leur sel et leurs 
marchandises, el les portent a Pautre c6t6 de la chftte k dos 
d'&nes, et sur leurs t&tes. La ils trouvent les grandes 
pirogues des Negres, qu’ils fraitent, et montent la riviere 
avec ces pirogues jusqu'a chezles Mandings , qui s'appellent 
Malms, qui sont proche du roche Gonvina.” 

The gentleman, for whom these particulars were col¬ 
lected, states, that he has always had the greatest con¬ 
fidence in their correctness; not only on account of the 
character and talents of the person employed, but also from 
the means which he had, during a residence of three or 
four years at Senegal, to verify all the most material points 
in them, upon the information of others; which he lost no 
opportunity of obtaining. In his account of the position 
of Genne, the junction of the two rivers near to it, the 
course of one of these rivers from Betoo or Badoo, and the 
course of the Niger itself, at that time (176‘4) generally sup¬ 
posed to he from east to west; the Arabic interpreter has been 
proved, by the information obtained through Mr. Park, to 
be correct; and his representation of the trade upon the 
JSfiger is accurately confirmed by Mr. Park, in his conver¬ 
sation with the ambassadors of the King of Bambarra f 
except that he carries it beyond Mr. Park's report. 

* “We sell them (the articles brought by the Moors) to the Moors; the 
“ Moors bring them to Tombuctoo, where they sell them at a higher rate. The 
“ people of Tombuctoo sell them to the people of Jinnie at a still higher price; 
“ and the people of Jinnie sell them to you.” Park’s Last Mission, 4 to. p. 268. 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


199 


If the interpreter's report be correct, it would seem that 
the Niger is navigable to a much greater distance westward, 
than it is represented to be in anjr of the existing maps of 
that part of Africa; nor does there appear to be any 
authority to oppose to this theory, except the information 
which Major Rennell states Mr. Park to have received, 
when at Kamalia, on his return from his first journey; 
that the source of the Niger was at a bearing of south, a 
very little west, seven journies distant, for which Mr. Park 
calculated one hundred and eight geographical miles.* The 
name of the place was said to be Sankari , which the Major 
supposes to correspond with the Song of D'Anville. But 
this account is too vague to be implicitly relied upon, in a 
country, where men travel, as Mr. Park observes,-f* only for 
the acquirement of wealth; and pay but little attention to 
the course of rivers, or the geography of countries. In 
other respects, the idea that the Niger is navigable to a 
considerable distance above Bammakoo, instead of being 
contradicted, is much supported by all the information 
which is to be collected from Mr. Park's Journeys, and 
particularly his Last Mission; though to a person looking 
only at the Map attached to his Notes, the fact would 
appear to be otherwise. 

The Arabic interpreter speaks of a trade and extensive 
navigation above the falls of Sootasoo , which must be to the 
westward; as he states it to extend into the country of a 
Mandingo nation called Matins, J whose territories approach 

* Appendix, First Journey, page xliv. *f* Idem, page 214. 

+ We have no account of the people here spoken of under the name of 


201 ) 


APPENDIX No. I. 


near to the rock Gouvina. His account is supported by 
the fact, that Barnmakoo is at the commencement of the 
Mandingo Nations ; but the representation of the river 
above it, according to our maps, gives no idea of the 
further voyage which he speaks of. Mr. Park does not 
notice the existence of the falls of Sootasoo, but from his 
description of the rapids at Barnmakoo, there is every 
reason to believe that they are the same.* Pie tells us, 
that at that-f* season (21st August) the river was navigable 
over the rapids. We are consequently to understand, that 
at other seasons it is not navigable over them even down¬ 
wards ; and that, although he avoided the principal falls, 
where, as he says, the water breaks with considerable noise 
in the middle of the river, and paddled down one of the 
branches near the shore; still the velocity was such, as to 
make him sigh.J 

Major Rennell, who appears to have obtained from Mr. 
Park information upon geographical matters, far beyond 


Malins , and have ascertained by Mr. Park’s discoveries, that the river does not 
actually ^approach the rock Gouvina ; but it should be observed that the rock 
was the only point in^that part of Africa to which the interpreter could refer as 
known to the person to whom his communication was addressed. The Man- 
dingo nations commence to the eastward at about Barnmakoo, and extend 
some distance to the north-west, and to the west almost to the sea coast. From 
this circumstance therefore, as well as from the mention of the rock Gouvina, 
it is evident that the country spoken of must be to the west of Barnmakoo. 

* The country in which Barnmakoo is situated, and a very extensive tract 
to the westward, is stated by D’Anville to be be inhabited by a people called 
Soosos. 

f Last Mission, page 257* 


t Idem, page 258. 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


301 

that which is to be collected by the mere perusal off his 
first Journey, states, that* the Niger first becomes navigable 
at Bammakoo, or perhaps, that it is only navigable upwards 
to that point in a continuous course from Tombuctoo. His 
latter supposition is most probably correct, as it does not 
militate against the existence of a navigation, not continuous, 
beyond Bammakoo, nor against the fact proved by Mr. 
Park in his second mission, that at particular seasons the 
rapids may be passed downwards. It is also clear from 
Park, that there is, at least to a certain distance, above 
Bammakoo, a populous and trading country ; a^ it was at 
Kancaba (called in the maps Kaniaba)J that Karfa Taura 
bought his slaves before proceeding to the coast. It is 
called a large town on the banks of the Niger, and a great 
slave market; and is placed by Major Rennell, (doubtless 
on the authority of Park) above Bammakoo. J Most of the 
slaves, Mr. Park says, who are sold at Kancaba, come 
from Bambarra: for Mansong, to avoid the expense and 
danger of keeping all his prisoners at Sego, commonly 
sends them in small parties to be sold at the different 
trading towns ; and as Kancaba is much resorted to by 
merchants, it is always well supplied with slaves, which are 
sent thither up the Niger in canoes. It cannot be supposed 
that this resort of merchants, is from places down the river; 
that they leave the great markets of Sego and San sanding, 
to labour over the rapids to Kancaba; or that the slaves, 
wtfuld be sent there to be bought by merchants ^ho could 

. * First Journey, Appendix, xliv. + Idem. p. 275. 

J Idem, Major RennelTs Maps. 

D d 


202 


APPENDIX. No. t. 


receive them at places so much nearer. It must be for a 
trade down the river from populous countries situated above 
Kancaba, that they are sent there. Nor is it easy to 
believe, that a river, which Mr. Park states to be at Bam- 
lnakoo, a mile across, and to be interrupted in its naviga¬ 
tion only by a local cause, should not be navigable above 
that cause : or that a stream, which he states to be larger 
even there (at Bammakoo) than either the Gambia or the 
Senegal, should be distant from its source only 108 geogra¬ 
phical miles, and draw its supplies from a country, which, 
by the map attached to Park's last mission, appears to be 
only 40 or 50 G. miles in breadth; when the Senegal has a 
course of not less than 600 G. miles, measured by the same 
map, across to the rock Gouvina, and from that to its mouth, 
without making any further allowance for its windings ; 
and drains for its support, a country extending, according 
to the same authority, in breadth, not less than 300 G. 
miles. It will of course occur to any person, looking at the 
maps attached to Park's Journe}^, that the places marked 
out as the sources of the Senegal and Gambia, preclude 
the possibility of the Niger's extending farther to the 
westward than is there represented; but upon a careful 
perusal of Park's Last Mission, there seems strong ground 
to believe, that the framers of his map, proceeding upon the 
old idea that the Senegal and Gambia take their rise in the 
Kong mountains, have here fallen into an error. It would 
appear that there are two distinct ranges of mountains, 
commencing at the Foota Jalla hills. The Kong mountains 
running to the east, but in a line curved considerably to the 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


2*3 

south, and supposed to be the greatest mountains in Africa; 
the other proceeding in a more direct line and increas_ 
ing in its elevation, as it extends towards the east, seems to 
approach nearly to its full height at the Konkodoo moun¬ 
tains, and bending or returning to the North and N. W. 
beyond Toniba, where Mr. Park crossed it, to give birth 
to all the streams, which, united, form the Senegal. 

Of the sources of the Gambia, we have no particular 
account, but it seems probable that these two ranges of 
mountains are united at their western extremity, and that 
the Gambia does not extend beyond this union; an idea 
in which there is ground to believe that Mr. Park would 
have concurred from expressions in two of his letters to 
Sir Joseph Banks, the first dated from Kayee, River 
Gambia, 26 April, 1805A “ The course of the Gambia is 
certainly not so long as is laid down in the charts." The 
second letter is dated Badoo, near Tambacunda, May 
28th, 1805.f “ The course of the Gambia is laid down 

on my chart too much to the south ; I have ascertained 
nearly its whole course." The removal of the river more to 
the north by leaving a larger space for its course from the 
mountains, renders it more probable that it should be ter¬ 
minated at the point herein supposed; and if its sources 
were as distant as they are represented to be in our maps, 
it is difficult to imagine that Mr. Park could, as he states,, 
have ascertained nearly its whole course. 

The position of the northern range of hills is described by 


* The Last Mission, p. 62. 


f Idem, page 69 ,. 


204 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


Mr. Park with considerable accuracy at Dindikoo,* where 
he speaks of the inhabitants looking from their tremendous 
precipices over that wild and woody plain, which extends 
from the Faleme to the Black River. This plain, he says, 
is, in extent from north to south, about forty miles; the 
range of hills to the south seems to run in the same direc¬ 
tion as those of Konkodoo, viz. from east to west. The 
framers of his map have made them run north and south, 
because they could not otherwise carry the sources of the 
rivers beyond them. Dindikoo was on the northern range 
of hills, and supposing the southern range to be, as he 
states, distant about forty miles, it will be found sufficient 
to account for the size assigned to all the rivers passed by 
Mr. Park in his route from the Gambia. 

The first of these is the Faleme river, which he had already 
crossed at Madina.-f* No particular account is given of 
the size of this river, or of the manner of passing it; but in 
his former journey, when he crossed it about the same 
place, he says,J that it was easily forded, being only about 
two feet deep. In his last mission,§ he says, its course is 
from the south-east, the distance to its source six ordinary 
days' travel. Assigning to it this course, its source will 
not be beyond the hills, but the compilers of the map 
attached to his Journal have given it a course much more 
nearly south, and have placed its source, even in this direc¬ 
tion, far beyond six days' journey by their own scale; and 
without making any allowance for the time, and the distance 

* Last Mission, page 176. f Idem, page 167* 

| First Journey, page 346 . § Last Mission, page 167- 


APPENDIX. NV I. 


205 


In an horizontal line, lost in travelling over a mountainous 
country. The next river is the Ba Lee , too insignificant to 
be noticed. The next the Ba Fing , the greatest of the rivers 
which form the Senegal. This was passed at Konkromo 
by canoes. He gives us no account of the course of this 
river or the distance to its sources, but merely says,* “ it is 
“ here a large river quite navigable; it is swelled at this 
“ time about two feet, and flows at the rate of three knots 
per hour.” When fully flooded, its course must be much 
more rapid, as in his first journey,-f* he crossed it by a 
bridge, formed of two trees, tied together by the tops; and 
adds, that this bridge is carried away every year by the 
swelling of the river. Running, as we collect, from both 
Mr. Park’s journies, but particularly the first, as this river 
does, at the foot of a high ridge of mountains, J and through 
a country, which he calls every where “ hilly, and rugged, 
and grand beyond any thing he had seen and allow¬ 
ing for its necessary sinuosity in such a country, and its 
receipt of numerous smaller streams in passing through it, 
there can be no difficulty in accounting for it, such as de¬ 
scribed by Mr. Park at Konkromo, by placing its sources 
in the hills already described ; for neither his descriptions of 
a river, which being flooded two feet is quite navigable, 
nor of one, which could be crossed by so simple a bridge, 
impress us with the idea of a mighty stream, or of one far 
distant from its source. It is also fair to presume, that this 

* Last Mission, pages 193, 194, 195. f First Journey, page 338. 

\ First Journey, page 340. 

§ Second Mission, page 192, and First Journey, page 33?, et passim. 


206 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


and the other rivers, forming the Senegal, have a part of 
their course at, or parallel with, the foot of these hills, col¬ 
lecting the waters which descend from them. The next 
river is crossed near to Madina, and is represented in the 
map as formed by the confluence of the Furkomah and 
Boki rivers, and not very greatly inferior either in magni¬ 
tude or in the length of its course even to the Ba Eing. All 
that Mr. Park says of this great river, is, 44 at eleven 
“ o'clock, crossed a stream, like a mill-stream, running 
44 north" !* The last river we come to, is the Ba Woolima , 
with its various streams, the Wonda, Ba Lee, Kokoro, &c.. 
which, after what has been said of the Ba Fing, scarcely 
require to be noticed; except, that by their windings and 
the numerous streams crossed in each day's journey, they 
serve to shew the small distance, in which a considerable 
river may be formed in such a country. They are all 
clearly bounded by the chain of mountains herein de¬ 
scribed, which, a little further eastward, bends or returns 
(as already observed) to the north and north-west to the 
kingdom of Kasson,+ and forms the eastern angle of the 
triangle, described by Major Rennell, in his Appendix to 
Park's first Journey; a description corresponding very 
accurately with that here supposed; though the Major, in 
his Map, still carries the sources of the Senegal (the Ba 
Fing, &c.) across to the Kong mountains, and represents 
the mountains in that part of the country as running north 
and south, and extending southward to the same chain of 
mountains; and It is in this point only, that there appears 
* Second Mission, page 197. f First Journey, Appendix, page xix. 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


207 


to be reason for doubting his correctness. In Konkodoo, 
we have this northern range clearly described as running 
east and west at a distance of about forty miles. By the 
necessity for avoiding the difficulties of the Jalonka wilder¬ 
ness, we there lose sight of them for a time; but when we 
find them again at Toniba, they are there also running 
east and west, for Mr. Park crossed them in a course nearly 
from north to south,* and we have endeavoured to shew, 
that the magnitude of the rivers passed in the intermediate 
space, is not such as necessarily to induce a belief, that the 
mountains do not there preserve the same direction ; espe¬ 
cially as the course of the greatest of these rivers is not 
given, whether from the south, or rather from the eastward 
of south, which seems the most probable; as the Major 
represents {and we believe with correctness), that the 
eastern level of the country is here the highest. 

It is in the plain left between the Kong mountains and 
this ridge, which, according to Park, separates the Niger 
from the remote branches of the Senegal ;f that the Niger 
has its course, “ rolling its immense stream along the 
“ plain,” J and washing the southern base of these moun- 
tains.§ The extent of this plain to the west, and the 
distance to which the Niger is navigable through it, are 
points not yet known, and which, although of the very 
utmost importance to the prosecution of our discoveries or 
the extension of our trade in the interior, it does not appear 
that any attempt has yet been made to ascertain. Prom its 


* Second Mission, pages 253, 254, 255. 
} Idem, page 256. 


*f- Idem, p. 256. 

§ Idem, page 231. 


208 


APPENDIX. No. I. 

situation between two such ranges of mountains, it may be 
presumed, that the plain is of great elevation; and from 
the report of the Arabic interpreter, supported by Mr. 
Park's account of Kaniaba or Kancaba, there is reason to 
believe, that the Niger is navigable through it, to a con¬ 
siderable distance westward. The information received by 
Mr. Park, at Kamalia may still have been correct: one of 
the principal streams, forming the Niger, may have its 
source at the place described to him ; another may flow 
down this plain from the westward, collecting in its course 
all the streams that run from the south side of the moun¬ 
tains which give birth to the Senegal, and from the northern 
declivity of the Kong mountains. In this way we have no 
difficulty in accounting for the magnitude of the Niger at 
Bammakoo; which we have already observed that it is 
impossible to do, by the course hitherto assigned to it; 
especially when it is considered that that course is nearly 
at a right angle with the Kong mountains, and consequently 
a great part of it through the plain, where it is not likely to 
receive much additional supply. 

If these conjectures be well founded, it would seem that 
our pursuit should be, instead of endeavouring to perform 
the difficult, dangerous, and expensive operation of trans¬ 
porting a caravan to the remote station of Bammakoo; to 
search for the nearest point to the westward, at which the 
Niger is navigable ; thal we may commence our discoveries 
and trade by navigation as near as possible to the Western 
Ocean. With this view, the Gambia should be immediately 
occupied by this country; and indeed this, under any 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


209 


circumstances, would seem to be a wise measure, that we 
may not, at the moment that our discoveries begin to lead 
to results of value, find,that the right of navigating that river 
is disputed with us by the prior establishment of some 
rival and more active European nation. 

An establishment should then be formed as high up that 
river as its navigation, and the state of the country will 
permit; and from this point, there eould be no great diffi¬ 
culty or expense in sending a mission into the interior, to 
the south-east, to seek for the sources of the Niger, and the 
extent of its navigation to the westward. Nor can there be 
any question upon the possibility of establishing a settle¬ 
ment high up in the Gambia, from whence to commence 
our discoveries, after the example of the French Fort of St. 
Joseph at Galam on the Senegal. Galam is 150 leagues in 
a direct line from the mouth of the Senegal, or by the 
course of the river 350 leagues.* The fort was many years 
in the possession of the French ; and at the time its garrison 
was removed after the capture of Senegal by this country 
in the year 1763, the officer in charge of it had been 
stationed there twenty-four years, the next in command 
sixteen, and others very long periods: the natives were 
so far from from shewing any hostile disposition to the 
French trade upon the river, that they gave to it every 

* These distances are given according to a most beautiful and correct Chart 
of the River Senegal, drawn from an actual survey, which was in the possession 
of the gentleman here alluded to as having been in the government of Senegal, 
and was taken from him by the French, by whom he was captured on a voyage 
to England. 


210 


APPENDIX. No. I. 


possible protection and encouragement; as they were fully 
sensible that it was for their interest to support it: the na¬ 
vigation of the river was secure, and the officers at the fort 
upon the most friendly footing with the inland powers. 

By commencing our operations from the Gambia in the 
manner proposed, we should have the important advantage 
of experiencing the least possible opposition from our 
rivals and inveterate enemies, the Moors; whose influence 
naturally diminishes in proportion as we recede from the 
Desert: and if we were once established on the Niger, our 
superior advantages in trade, would render nugatory any 
attempts which they might make to resist our further 
progress. 


P. S. The writer of this Memoir thinks it right to dis¬ 
claim all pretensions to any superior or exclusive know¬ 
ledge of African geography. There appeared to him to 
be something inconsistent in the magnitude of the Niger as 
represented by Mr. Park at Bammakoo, and its sources 
according to our maps ; and being in possession of a paper 
which seemed to throw some little light upon the subject, he 
has ventured to give it to the public, accompanied with a 
few remarks; and will feel highly gratified, if they should 
have the effect of engaging the attention of some person 
capable of doing justice to an inquiry which is certainly 
interesting and important. 



[211 ] 


APPENDIX. No. II.* 


r 1 1 

i he whole of the population of Western Barbary may 
be divided into three great classes (exclusive of the Jews) 
viz. Berrebbers, Arabs, and Moors. The two former 
of these are in every respect distinct races of people, and 
are each again subdivided into various tribes or commu¬ 
nities ; the third are chiefly composed of the other two 
classes, or of their descendants, occasionally mixed with 
the European or Negro races. 

In the class of Berrebbers, of which I shall first treat, 
I include all those who appear to be descendants of the 
original inhabitants of the country before the Arabian con¬ 
quest ; and who speak several languages, or dialects of the 

* This original and interesting Sketch of the Population of Western Bariary 
grew out of some observations made by the Editor to Mr. Dupuis, upon the 
frequent indiscriminate use of the names of Arab and Moor, in speaking appa¬ 
rently of the same people : and the explanation of these terms (as well as of the 
term Shilluh, see p. 150, Note 56) having led Mr. Dupuis into a longer detail 
than could be conveniently comprised in a Note on the Narrative, he kindly 
consented, at the Editor’s request, to extend his Remarks to all the classes of 
the inhabitants of the Empire of Morocco; and the Editor is happy to have 
permission to present these Remarks, in their present entire form, to the reader. 




212 


/ Appendix, no. ii. 


same language, totally different from the Arabic. The 
subdivisions of this class are—1st. the Errifi, who inhabit 
the extensive mountainous province of that name on the 
shores of the* Mediterranean; 2dly. the Berrebbers of the 
Interior , who commence on the southern confines of Errif, 
and extend to the vicinity of Fez and Mequinez, occupying 
all the mountains and high lands in the neighbourhood of 
those cities; 3dly. the Berrebbers of Middle Atlas; and, 
4thly. the Shilluh of Suse and HaM, who extend from 
Mogadore southward to the extreme boundaries of the 
dominions of the Cid Heshem, and from the sea coast to 
the eastern limits of the mountains of Atlas. 

The Errifi are a strong and athletic race of people, hardy 
and enterprising; their features are generally good, and 
might in many cases be considered handsome, were it not 
for the malignant and ferocious expression which marks 
them in common with the Berrebber tribes in general, but 
which is peculiarly striking in the eye of an Errif. They 
also possess that marked feature of the Berrebber tribes, a 
scantiness of beard; many of the race, particularly in the 
south, having only a few straggling hairs on the upper lip, 
and a small tuft on the chin. They are incessantly bent on 
robbing and plundering ; in which they employ either open 
violence or cunning and treachery, as the occasion requires; 
and they are restrained by no checks either of religion, 
morals, or humanity. However, to impute to them in par¬ 
ticular , as distinct from other inhabitants of Barbary, the 
crimes of theft, treachery, and murder, would certainly be 
doing them great injustice; but I believe I may truly 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


213 


describe them'as more ferocious and faithless than any 
other tribe of Berrebbers. 

The Berrebbers of the districts of Fez, Mequinez, and the 
mountains of Middle Atlas, strongly resemble the Errifi in 
person, but are said to be not quite so savage in disposition. 
They are a warlike people, extremely tenacious of the 
independence which their mountainous country gives them 
opportunities of asserting, omit no occasion of shaking off 
the controul of government, and are frequently engaged in 
open hostilities with their neighbours the Arabs, or the 
Emperor’s black troops. They are, as I am informed, the 
only tribes in Barbary who use the bayonet. The districts 
which they inhabit are peculiarly interesting and romantic; 
being a succession of hills and vallies well watered and 
wooded, and producing abundance of grain and pasturage. 

The Shilluh, or Berrebbers of the south of Barbary, differ 
in several respects from their brethren in the north. They 
are rather diminutive in person; and besides the want of 
beard already noticed, have in general an effeminate tone of 
voice. They are, however, active and enterprising. They 
possess rather more of the social qualities than the other 
tribes, appear to be susceptible of strong attachments and 
friendships, and are given to hospitality. They are remark¬ 
able for their attachment to their petty chieftains; and the 
engagements or friendships of the latter are held so sacred 
that I never heard of an instance of depredation being com¬ 
mitted on travellers furnished with their protection, (which 
it is usual to purchase with a present) or on any of the 
valuable caravans which are continually passing to and fro 


214 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


through their territory, between Barbary and Soudan. 
However, the predominant feature of their character is self- 
interest; and although in their dealings amongst strangers, 
or in the towns, they assume a great appearance of fairness 
and sincerity, yet they are not scrupulous when they have 
the power in their own hands : and like the other Berrebbers, 
they are occasionally guilty of the most atrocious acts of 
treacherjr and murder, not merely against Christians (for 
that is almost a matter of course with all the people of their 
nation) but even against Mohammedan travellers, who have 
the imprudence to pass through their country without 
having previously secured the protection of one of their 
chiefs. 

As the Shilluh have been said to be sincere and faithful 
in their friendships, so are they on the other hand, perfectly 
implacable in their enmities and insatiable in their revenge.* 

* The following anecdote, to the catastrophe of which I was an eye-witness, 
will exemplify in some degree these traits of their character. A Shilluh having 
murdered one of his countrymen in a quarrel, fled to the Arabs from the ven¬ 
geance of the relations of his antagonist; but not thinking himself secure even 
there, he joined a party of pilgrims and went to Mecca. From this expiatory 
journey he returned at the end of eight or nine years to Barbary ; and proceed¬ 
ing to his native district, he there sought (under the sanctified name of El Hctje, 
the Pilgrim ,—a title of reverence amongst the Mohammedans) to effect a recon¬ 
ciliation with the friends of the deceased. They, however, upon hearing of his 
return, attempted to seize him; but owing to the fleetness of his horse he 
escaped and fled to Mogadore, having been severely wounded by a musket ball 
in his flight. His pursuers followed him thither; but the Governor of Moga¬ 
dore hearing the circumstances of the case, strongly interested himself in behalf 
of the fugitive, and endeavoured, but in vain, to effect a reconciliation. The 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


215 


Their country produces grain in abundance, cattle, wax, 
almonds, and various valuable articles of trade. 

I have already said, that the languages of all the Berrebber 
tribes are totally different from the Arabic; but whether 
they are corrupted dialects of the ancient Punic, Numidian, 
or Mauritanian, I must leave to others to determine. That 
of the Errifi, I am told, is peculiar to themselves. It has 
also been asserted that the language of the Berrebbers of 
the interior, and of the Shilluh, are totally distinct from each 
other; but I have been assured by those who are conver¬ 
sant with them, that although differing in many respects, 
they are really dialects of the same tongue. 

Like the Arabs, the Berrebbers are divided into numerous 
petty tribes or clans, each tribe or family distinguishing 

man was imprisoned; and his persecutors then hastened to Morocco to seek 
justice of the Emperor. That prince, it is said, endeavoured to save the pri¬ 
soner ; and to add weight to his recommendation, offered a pecuniary compensa¬ 
tion in lieu of the offender’s life; which the parties, although persons of mean 
condition, rejected. T hey returned triumphant to Mogadore, with the Em¬ 
peror’s order for the delivery of the prisoner into their hands : and having 
taken him out of prison, they immediately conveyed him without the walls 
of the town, where one of the party, loading his musket before the face of 
their victim, placed the muzzle to his breast and shot him through the body ; 
but as the man did not immediately fall, he drew his dagger and by repeated 
stabbing put an end .to his existence. The calm intrepidity with which this 
unfortunate Shilluh stood to meet his fate, could not be witnessed without the 
highest admiration ; and, however much we must detest the blood-thirstiness of 
his executioners, we must still acknowledge that there is something closely 
allied to nobleness of sentiment in the inflexible perseverance with which they 
pursued the murderer of their friend to punishment, without being diverted from 
their purpose by the strong inducements of self-interest. 


216 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


itself by the name of its patriarch or founder. The autho¬ 
rity of the chiefs is usually founded upon their descent 
from some sanctified ancestor, or upon a peculiar eminence 
of the individual himself in Mohammedan zeal or some 
other religious qualification. 

With the exception already noticed, (that the Berrebbers 
of the North are of a more robust and stouter make than the 
Shilluh) a strong family likeness runs through all their 
tribes. Their customs, dispositions, and national character 
are nearly the same; they are all equally tenacious of the 
independence which their local positions enable them to 
assume; and all are animated with the same inveterate and 
hereditary hatred against their common enemy, the Arab. 
They invariably reside in houses, or hovels, built of stone 
and timber, which are generally situated on some command¬ 
ing eminence, and are fortified and loop-holed for self- 
defence. Their usual mode of warfare is to surprise their 
enemy, rather than overcome him by an open attack ; they 
are reckoned the best marksmen, and possess the best fire¬ 
arms in Barbary, which renders them a very destructive 
enemy wherever the country affords shelter and conceal¬ 
ment ; but although they are always an over-match for the 
Arabs when attacked in their own rugged territory, they 
are obliged, on the other hand, to relinquish the plains to 
the Arab cavalry, against which the Berrebbers are unable 
to stand on open ground. 

The Arabs of Barbary, are the direct descendants of 
the invaders of the country, who about the year 400 of the 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


217 


Hegira, according to their own histories, completed the 
conquest of the whole of the North of Africa, dispersing or 
exterminating the nations which either attempted to oppose 
their progress, or refused the Mohammedan creed. During 
the dreadful ravages of this invasion, the surviving inhabi¬ 
tants, unable to resist their ferocious enemy (whose cavalry 
doubtless contributed to give them their decided superiority) 
fled to the mountains; where they have since continued to 
live under the names of Benebber, Shilluh, &c. a distinct 
people, retaining their hereditary animosity against their 
invaders. 

The Arabs, who now form so considerable a portion of 
the population of Barbary, and whose race (in the SherifFe 
line) has given Emperors to Morocco ever since the con¬ 
quest, occupy all the level country of the Empire; and 
many of the tribes penetrating into the Desert have extended 
themselves even to the confines of Soudan. In person 
they are generally tall and robust, with fine features and 
intelligent countenances. Their hair is black and strait, 
their eyes large, black and piercing, their noses gently 
arched, their beards full and bushy, and they have inva¬ 
riably good teeth. The colour of those who reside in 
Barbary is a deep but bright brunette, essentially unlike the 
sallow tinge of the Mulatto. The Arabs of the Desert are 
more or less swarthy according to their proximity to the 
Negro states ; until, in some tribes, they are found entirely 
black, but without the woolly hair, wide nostril, and thick 
lip which peculiarly belong to the African Negro. 

The Arabs are universally cultivators of the earth or 
Ef 


218 


APPENDIX No. II. 


breeders of cattle, depending on agricultural pursuits alone 
for subsistence. To use a common proverb of their own, 
“ the earthis the Arab's portion." They are divided into 
small tribes or families, as I have already stated with 
respect to the Berrebbers ;—-each seperate tribe having a 
particular Patriarch or Head by whose name they distin¬ 
guish themselvs, and each occupying its own separate 
portion of territory. They are scarcely ever engaged in 
external commerce; dislike the restraints and despise the 
security of residence in towns; and dwell invariably in 
tents made of a stuff woven from goats' hair and the 
fibrous root of the palmeta. In some of the provinces 
their residences form large circular encampments, con¬ 
sisting of from twenty to a hundred tents, where they are 
governed by a shieck or magistrate of their own body. 
This officer is again subordinate to a bashazv or governor 
appointed by the Emperor, who resides in some neigh¬ 
bouring town. In these encampments there is always a tent 
set apart for religious worship, and appropriated to the use 
of the weary or benighted traveller, who is supplied with 
food and refreshment at the expense of the community. 

Something has already been said in the preceding Notes 
of the character of the Arab. In a general view, it is de¬ 
cidedly more noble and magnanimous than that of the 
Berrebber. His vices are of a more daring, and (if I may 
use the expression) of a more generous cast. He accom¬ 
plishes his designs rather by open violence than by 
treachery; he has less duplicity and concealment than the 
Berrebber; and to the people of his own nation or religion 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


219 


he is much more hospitable and benevolent. Beyond this, 
I fear it is impossible to say anything in his favour. But 
it is in those periods of civil discord which have been so 
frequent in Barbary, that the Arab character completely 
developes itself. On these occasions they will be seen 
linked together in small'tribes, the firm friends of each other 
but the sworn enemies of all the world besides. Their 
ravages are not confined merely to the Berrebber and 
Bukharie tribes to whom they are at all times hostile, and 
whom they take all opportunities of attacking, but every 
individual is their enemy who is richer than themselves. 
Whilst these dreadful tempests last, the Arabs carry devas¬ 
tation and destruction wherever they go, sparing neither 
age nor sex, and even ripping open the dead bodies of their 
victims, to discover whether they have not swallowed their 
riches for the purposes of concealment. 

Their barbarity towards Christians ought not to be tried 
by the same rules as the rest of their conduct; for although 
it has no bounds but those which self-interest may prescribe, 
it must almost be considered as a part of their religion ; so 
deep is the detestation which they are taught to feel for the 
44 unclean and idolatrous infidel/' A Christian, therefore, 
who falls into the hands of the Arabs, has no reason to 
expect any mercy. If it is his lot to be possessed by the 
Arabs of the Desert, his value as a slave will probably save 
his life; but if he happens to be wrecked on the coast of 
the Emperor's dominions, where Europeans are not allowed 
to be retained in slavery, his fate would in most cases be 
immediate death, before the Governmeivt could have time 
to interfere for his protection. 


220 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


The next great division of the people of Western Barbary 
are the inhabitants of the cities and towns, who may be 
collectively classed under the general denomination of 
Mooes ; although this name is only known to them through 
the language of Europeans. They depend chiefly on trade 
and manufactures for subsistence, and confine their pursuits 
in general to occupations in the towns. Occasionally, 
however, but very rarely, they may be found to join agri¬ 
cultural operations with the Arabs. 

The 'Moors may be subdivided into the four following 
classes—1st. the tribes descended from Arab families; 
2d. those of Berrebber descent; 3d. the Bukharie ; 4th. the 
Andalusie. 

The Arab families are the brethren of the conquerors of 
the country; and they form the largest portion of the 
population of the southern towns, especially of those which 
border on Arab districts. 

The Berrebber families are in like manner more or less 
numerous in the towns, according the proximity of the 
latter to the Berrebber districts. 

The Bukharie , or black tribe, are the descendants of the 
Negroes brought by the Emperor Mulai Ismael from 
Soudan. They have been endowed with gifts of land, and 
otherwise encouraged by the subsequent Emperors; and 
the tribe, although inconsiderable in point of numbers, 
has been raised to importance in the state, by the circum¬ 
stance of its forming the standing army of the Emperor, 
and of its being ,employed invariably as the instruments 
of government. Their chief residence is in the city of 
Mequinez, about the Emperor's person. They are also 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


221 


found, but in smaller numbers, in the different towns of 
the Empire. 

The Andalusie , who form the fourth class of Moors, are 
the reputed descendants of the Arab conquerors of Spain; 
the remnant of whom, on being expelled from that king¬ 
dom, appear to have retained the name of its nearest pro¬ 
vince. These people form a large class of the population 
of the towns in the north of Barbary, particularly of Tetuan, 
Mequinez, Fez, and Rhabatt or Sallee. They are scarcely, 
if at all, found residing to the south of the river Azamoor; 
being confined chiefly to that provincq of Barbary known 
by the name of El Gharb* 

The two last named classes of Bukharie , and Andalusie , 
are entire in themselves, and are not divisible into smaller 
communities like the Moors descended from the Arab and 
Berrebber tribes, the latter imitating in that respect their 
brethren in the country, and retaining the names of the 
petty tribes from which their ancestors originally sprung; 
for instance, the Antrie , Rehamni , &c. which are Arab 
tribes, and the Edoutanan , the Ait Amoor , See. amongst the 
Berrebbers. All these smaller tribes are very solicitous to 
maintain a close family alliance with their brethren, who 
still pursue their agricultural employment in the country, 
which they find of great advantage in the event of intestine 
commotions. 

The length of time since the settlement of these tribes in 
the towns cannot be accurately ascertained; but the 
manner in which they were first separated from their 
kindred in the country, may probably be exemplified by 


222 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


the following modern occurrence. When the father of the 
present Emperor had built the town of Mogadore, he 
caused a certain number of individuals to be selected, or 
drafted, from Arab and Berrebber (or Shilluh) tribes, and 
also from some of the towns; whom he compelled to settle 
in the new town. The young colony was afterwards en¬ 
couraged and enriched by the removal of the foreign trade 
of the empire from Santa Cruz to Mogadore, which led to 
the settlement of other adventurers there. The probability 
that other towns were peopled by a similar compulsory 
proceeding, is confirmed by the known repugnance of the 
Arabs to quit their tents for houses, and by the aversion 
and even contempt which they feel for the restraints of a 
fixed residence in towns. 

These are the component parts of that mixed population 
which now inhabits the towns of Barbary, and which is 
known to Europeans by the name of Moors. In feature 
and appearance the greater part of them may be traced to 
the Arab or Berrebber tribes from which they are respec¬ 
tively derived; for marriages between individuals of dif¬ 
ferent tribes are generally considered discreditable. Such 
marriages however do occasionally take place, either in 
consequence of domestic troubles, or irregularity of con¬ 
duct in the parties; and they are of course attended with 
a corresponding mixture of feature. Intermarriages of the 
other tribes with the Bukharie are almost universally repro- 
brated, and are attributed, when they occur, to interested 
motives on the part of the tribe which sanctions them, or to 
the overbearing influence and power possessed by the 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


223 


Bukharie. These matches entail on their offspring the^ 
Negro feature and a mulatto-like complexion, but darker. 
In all cases of intermarriage between different tribes or 
classes, the woman is considered to pass over to the tribe 
of her husband. 

Besides the Moors, the population of the towns is con¬ 
siderably increased by the Negro slaves, who are in general 
prolific, and whose numbers are continually increasing by 
fresh arrivals from the countries of Soudan. 


In conclusion, the following may be stated as a brief 
leading distinction between the habits and circumstances of 
the three great classes of the inhabitants of Western 
Barbary. 

The Berrebbers, (including the Shilluh) are cultivators 
of the soil and breeders of cattle ; they occupy the moun¬ 
tainous districts, and reside in houses or hovels built of 
stone and timber. 

The Arabs, occupying the plains, follow the same pur¬ 
suits as the Berrebbers, and live in tents. 

The Moors are traders, and reside in the towns. 

It will, perhaps, be observed, that this distinction will 
not apply to the tribe described by Mr. Park on the 
southern confines of the Desert, whom he calls Moors] and 
distinguishes by that name from the Arabs of the Desert. It 
is evidently quite impracticable to assign precise denomi¬ 
nations to the many possible mixtures of races which in 
process of time naturally occur : but a roving people, living 



224 


APPENDIX. No. II. 


in tents, as these are described to be, certainly cannot be 
entitled to the appellation of Moors . Neither can the 
people in question, whom Park describes to have short 
bushy hair, be a pure Arab tribe; though their leader, Ali, 
appears to have been an Arab. But by whatever name 
they ought to be distinguished, it seems very probable that 
they are descended from the ancient invaders of Soudan, 
who having been left to garrison the conquered places, 
remained on the southern borders of the Deseil after the 
authority which originally brought them there, became 
extinct; and who by occasional intermarriages with the 
Negroes have gradually lost many of the distinguishing 
features of their Arab ancestors. 

Viewing the term Moor as a translation or corruption of 
the Latin word Mauri , by which the Romans designated a 
particular nation, it is evident, that it cannot with strict 
propriety be used even in the limited sense to which I have 
here confined it; for, the people who now occupy the 
towns of Western Barbary, (with the exception, perhaps, of 
that small portion of them allied to the Berrebber tribes) 
are certainly not descendants of the ancient Mauritanians. 
The name, as I have said before, is not used amongst the 
people themselves, as the names of Arab , Berrebber , &c. 
are: but the class is quite distinguished from the other 
inhabitants of Barbary by the modes of life and pursuits of 
those who compose it. And as Europeans in their loose 
acceptation of the name Moor , have successively designated 
by it all the different races who have from time to time, 
occupied this part of Africa; applying it even to the Arab 


APPENDIX. No II. 


225 


invaders of Spain, who proceeded from hence; they may 
very naturally appropriate it to those stationary residents of 
the Empire of Morocco with whom, almost exclusively, 
they carry on any intercourse. The only distinguishing 
term which the Arabs occasionally give to the Moors is that 
of Medainien r towns-people ; which is a depreciating appel¬ 
lation in the estimation of an Arab. If you ask a Moor ; 
what he calls himself? he will naturally answer you that he 
is a Mooslitn , or believer ;— his country ? Bled Mooselmin , 
the land of believers. If you press him for further par¬ 
ticulars, he will then perhaps tell you the tribe to which he 
belongs, or the district or city in which he was born. 
Neither have they a general name for their country; in 
other Mohammedan states it is distinguished by the name 
of El Ghdrb , the West; but the natives themselves only 
apply this name to a province in the northern part of the 
Empire beyond the River Azamoor. 

The term Moor , therefore, seems to stand, with respec 
to the people to whom we apply it, exactly in the same 
predicament as their term Romi with respect to us ; which 
having survived the times when the extended power of the 
Romans rendered it not an improper appellation for all the 
inhabitants of Europe known to the Mauritanians, continues, 
in the dialects of Barbary, to be the general name for 
Europeans of every nation at this day. D. 


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INDEX 


Adams, Robert, Introductory Details respect¬ 
ing—accidentally met with in London, xi. 
—brought to the office of the African Com¬ 
pany, and questioned respecting his adven¬ 
tures in Africa; his answers satisfactory, xii. 
xiii.—his method of computing bearings, 
distances, and rates of travelling through 
the deserts, xviii.—examined by several 
members of government, and others, xix. 
—receives a gratuity from the Lords of the 
Treasury, and departs for America, xx, xxi. 
—his statements corroborated by Mr. Du¬ 
puis, British Vice Consul at Mogadore,xxii. 
—curious particulars relating to his conduct 
and appearance when liberated from sla¬ 
very, xxiv.—known at Mogadore by the 
name of Rose;-— reasons for his changing 
his name to Adams, xxvii. 

Adams, Robert, his Narrative ;—wrecked on 
the western coast of Africa, 7-—carried 
from the coast by a party of Moors to a 
Douar in the Desert, 12.—accompanies a 
party of Moors in an expedition to Sou- 
denny, 15.—made prisoner, with them, by 
the Negroes, and carried to Tombuctoo, 
16-18.— ransomed, with the Moors, and 
carried to Tudenny, and thence to the 
Douar of Woled D’leim, 47*53.—employ¬ 
ment, and treatment there,54,55.—esc apes 
with a camel to Hilla Gibla (or El Kabla), 
55-7-—becomes the slave of the Governor, 
has an intrigue with one of the Governor’s 


wives, and is sold, in consequence, to a 
trading Moor, 58-61.—carried thence to 
different Douars in the Desert, and finally 
to Wadinoon, 6l -64;—his employment and 
inhuman treatment at that place;—but at 
length ransomed and carried to Mogadore 
68-78.— sent thence by Mr. Dupuis to 
* Fez and Tangier, 80 ;—thence to Cadiz by 
the American Consul; his stay there, 81.— 
arrives in London in the utmost distress, 82. 
—his reckoning of time and distances cor¬ 
rected, 155, 6. 

African Company, Committee of the, exa¬ 
mine Adams, and recommend the Editor to 
compile his Narrative, xv. xvi. 

Agadeer Doma , the Moorish name of Sene¬ 
gal, 89. 

Andalusie tribe of Moors, origin and descrip¬ 
tion of it, 22J. 

Arabs of El Gazie , described ; 85, 6,—make 
prisoners the crew of the “ Charles,” and 
plunder the wreck,8,9.—quit the coastwith 
their prisoners ; their mode of travelling, 
12—predatory expedition to Soudenny; 
made prisoners by the Negroes, and sent 
to Tombuctoo, 16-18. 

Arabs of Barbary, and the Desert, description 
and character of, 217 et seqq. —their distin¬ 
guishing occupations, 2 33. 

Arrows, poisoned, used by the Negroes, 32, 

110 . 






228 


INDEX. 


Ba Fing river, notices respecting it, 205. 

Ba Lee river, notices respecting it, 205. 

Ba Woolima river, notices respecting it, 206. 

Bammakoo, too remote a point on the Niger, 
for the destination of European expeditions, 
208. 

Banks, Sir Joseph, examines Adams, xix. 

Barbary, West, description of its classes of 
inhabitants, 211, et seqq. 

Barrow, John, Esq. examines Adams, xix. 

Bathurst, Earl, examines Adams, xix. 

Barry, Mr. of Teneriffe, confirms a circum¬ 
stance in Adams’s story, 88. 

Berrebbers , one of the three great classes of 
inhabitants of West Barbary, description 
and character of them, 211 - 16 . 

Betoo, or Badoo , country of, noticed, 196, 
7, 8. 

Boki river, noticed, 206. 

Bukharie tribe of Moors, origin and descrip¬ 
tion of it, 220. 

Caravans, seasons of travelling of those of 
Barbary which trade to Tombuctoo, and 
other parts of the Interior, 127. 

Cannibals, 119 . 

Canoes, description of those which navigate 
the La Mar Zarah, 25, 101. 

Chancellor of the Exchequer, examines 
Adams, xix. 

“ Charles,” The, American ship, names of her 
owner and crew, 6.—wrecked on the wes¬ 
tern coast of Africa, 7.—statement of the 
fate of the crew, 160. 

Christian captives, their inhuman treatment, 
69 , 70, 145.—their deplorable condition, 
when rescued from the Arabs, 145. treated 
more cruelly than any other slaves, 146. 

Cidi Mohammed Mousoul, sanctuary of, no¬ 
ticed, 77. 


Cidi Mahomeda Moassa, great market held 
there annually, 77, 150. 

Courcoo, a singular animal described by 
Adams, 30.—his description apparently 
erroneous, 109. 

D’Anville, cited, 100, 200. 

Davison, one of the crew of the u Charles,” 
renounces his religion, 74.—escapes from 
Wed-Noon, and finally restored to Chris¬ 
tianity, 149. 

Details, introductory, respecting Adams, xi. 

Dibbie , Lake,thedescriptions ofit improbable, 
186. 

Dolbie, the mate of the “ Charles,” falls sick 
at Wed-Noon, and put to death by his 
master, 73, 144. 

Douar, its meaning, 86. 

Dupuis, Mr., British Vice Consul atMogadore, 
letter from him to the Editor, corroborating 
Adams’s statements, and containing some 
curious particulars relating to his ransom, 
and appearance and conduct on his arrival 
at Mogadore, xxii.—xxviii—his notes and 
observations on Adams’s Narrative, 185. 
et seqq .—his account of the different classes 
of inhabitants of West Barbary,21 \,etseqq. 

El Gazie , Moors of, make prisoners the crew 
of the “ Charles,” 8.—description of that 
Douar, 85, 6. 

El Kabla (see Hilla Gibla .) 

Elephants, mode of hunting them by the peo¬ 
ple of Tombuctoo, 28.—great numbers of 
their teeth brought into Barbary, 106 .— 
observations on Adams’s account of the 
elephant, 106 , 8. 

Erriji , a tribe of Berrebbers, described, 212. 

Faleme river, notices respecting it, 204. 

Fatima, queen of Tombuctoo, her dress,21,22. 



INDEX. 


229 


her name no proof of her being a Moorish, 
or Mohammedan woman, 93 . 

French renegade at El Gazie, his story, 9 .— 
manufactures gun-powder at Wed-Noon, 
88 . 

Ftirkomah river, noticed, 206 . 

Gambia river, its course not so long nor so 
far south, as laid down on the Maps, 203. 

Genne (or Jinnie), its trade with Tombuctoo, 
396 . 

Gollo (or Quallo), account of a Negro nation 
of that name, 120 . 

Gordon, Major-Gen. Sir Willoughby, exa¬ 
mines Adams, his opinion of his story, xix. 
xx. 

Goulburn, Henry, Esq. examines Adams, xx. 

Gouvina, rock of, the Niger navigable west¬ 
ward nearly to that point, 200 . 

Guns,double-barrelled,in common use among 
the Arabs of the Desert, 97. 

Gunpowder, manufactured at Wed-Noon by 
a French renegade, 68 . 

Haoussa, merchants from that country fre¬ 
quent Lagos, in the Bight of Benin ; in¬ 
formation obtained from them respecting 
the nature of the country through which 
they travel, xxxvi-vii. 

Heine, a species of camel, of great swiftness, 
29 ,—the same animal as that described by 
Leo Africanus under the name ragnahil; 
and by Pennant under that of raguahl, 105. 

Hieta Mouessa Ali (Aiata Mouessa Ali), a 
large Douar in the Desert, visited by 
Adams, 62. 

Harrison, George, Esq., examines Adams, xx. 

Flilla Gibla, (or El Kabla), a Douar in the 
Desert, described, 58.—some account of 
the Arab tribe of that place, 133. 


Horses, none at Tombuctoo, 204. 

Horton, John, master of the “ Charles,” his 
death among the Moors, 10 , 89- 

Jinnie , its distance and bearing from Tom¬ 
buctoo, 101 . (See Genne.) 

Joos, (Yos or Yadoos ( Ayos ) of D’Anville’ s 
Maps), a powerful Negro nation, xxxvii. 

Isha, the wife of the Governor of Flilla Gibla, 
intrigues with Adams, 58, 9- 

Kancaba (Kamaba of Rennell’s Maps), an 
extensive slave-market on the Niger, 201 . 

Kanno, curious relation made to Adams by a 
female slave from that place, 69 . 

Kashna, notice respecting the distance be¬ 
tween that place and Houssa, in Major 
Rennell’s Maps, 142, and Errata. 

Kong mountains, their general direction, 202 . 

Lahamar river, mentioned by Marmol, as a 
branch of the Niger, 100 . 

La Mar Zarah, name of the river on which 
Tombuctoo stands; its size, navigation, 
and course, 25.— conjectures respecting 
it, 98 - 100 .— probably a branch of the 
Niger, 190 . 

Lagos, in the Bight of Benin, probability of 
Europeans being able to proceed thence in 
the direction of the Niger, xxxvii. 

Lake Dibble (see Dibbie.) 

Lakes of considerable extent intersect the 
countries between Haoussa and the coast 
of the Bight of Benin, xxxviii. 

Leo Africanus, his account of Tombuctoo 
noticed, 181.—remarks on the discordances 
in the different versions of his book, 182, 3, 
188, 9 . 

Lords of the Treasury, order Adams a hand¬ 
some gratuity, xx. 





230 


INDEX. 


MaKns, a Mandingo nation, noticed, 198. 

Map, explanations respecting the construc¬ 
tion of that which accompanies the Nar¬ 
rative, xxxiii.-vi.— errors noticed in the 
construction of that prefixed to the account 
of Park’s Last Mission, 204, 5, 6. 

Marmol, cited, 100. 

Mauri of the Romans, the origin of the term 
Moors, 224. 

Medainien , the Arab term for Moors, 225. 

Mogadore, how first peopled, 222. 

<l Montezuma,”The, from Liverpool, wrecked 
on the coast of Wadinoon; fate of her 
crew, 68, 140. 

Moors, their predatory incursions into the 
Negro countries, frequent, 90. (see Arabs.) 

Moors, classes of, their origin and character, 
220, et seqq .—their distinguishing occupa¬ 
tions, 223.— origin of the term, 224. 

Negro slave, curious history of one, 119 - 21 . 

Negro slaves, a great source of population in 
the towns of Barbary, 223. 

Negroes, description of those of Soudenny 
and Tombuctoo, 14, 15; 32,6; 113, 18.— 
their accounts of the interior of Africa to 
be received with caution, 176.—characte 
ristics of those of Soudan, 192. 

Niger river, remarks respecting it, 188-19L— 
account of its trade and navigation in 1764, 
195, et seqq.— its falls at Sootasoo, 196 . 
—supposed to be navigable much further 
westward than represented in the maps, 
195.—its magnitude at Bammakoo not 
reconcileable with the distance of that 
place from its source, as given in the Maps, 
202.—conjectures respecting its sources, 

207, 8.--expediency and practicability of 
exploring its remotest western navigation, 

208. 


Park, Mr,, observations on some parts of his 
account of his second mission, 141.—re¬ 
marks on some passages in his account of 
his first mission, 169 - 176 ; 201 - 8 . 

Peddie, Major, the examination of Adams* 
undertaken in the hope of its result proving 
of use to that officer in his expedition to 
Africa, i. xx. 

Poisonous preparation of the Negroes in 
which they dip their arrows, 32, 110 - 

Quarterly Review cited, xxxix. 

Rapids in the Niger at Bammakoo, conjec¬ 
tures respecting them, 200 . 

Remarks on Adams’s Narrative, 195, et seqq .—- 
on various passages in Mr. Park’s Travels, 
141,169-176; 201-8. 

Renegade, French, at El Gazie and Wed- 
Noon, 9 , 88 . 

Rennell, Major,notice respecting his estimate 
of distance between Kashna and Houssa, 
142, and Errata. —his correction of an error 
in Leo Africanus, 191.—appears to have 
obtained more extensive geographical de¬ 
tails from Mr. Park, than what are given 
in his Travels, 200 .—probable error in his 
Maps, respecting the sources of the Sene¬ 
gal, 206 . 

Rivers, notices respecting those mentioned 
by Mr. Park in his Travels, 204-6. 

Romi, the term in Barbary for Europeans in 
general, 225. 

Rose, Benjamin, xxvii. (see Adams.) 

Senegal, information obtained by the Go¬ 
vernor of that settlement, in 1764, respect¬ 
ing Tombuctoo, and the navigation of the 
Niger, 195, et seqq. 


\ 




INDEX. 


231 


Senegal river, probable error respecting its 
sources, 202, 206 . 

Shilluh , tribe of, 151.— described, 213.— 
singular instance of their implacable hatred, 
and revengeful spirit, 214. (see Berrebbers). 

Shipwrecks, why frequent on the Western 
Coast of Africa, 86.— proceedings of the 
Moors when they happen there, ib. —usual 
fate of the crews of the ships, 88. 

Simpson, Mr., Consul General of the United 
States at Tangier, Adams’s history com¬ 
municated to him by Mr. Dupuis, xxv. 

Soosos of D’Anville, noticed, 200. 

Sootasoo, falls of, on the Niger, 196; probably 
the rapids mentioned by Mr. Park, in his 
“ Second Mission,” 200, 

Soudenny, route thither across the Desert, 14. 
—description of its inhabitants, 14, 15.— 
route thence to Tombuctoo, 17-—probable 
situation, 91 , 2 . 

Stevens, a Portuguese ; accompanies Adams 
in an expedition with the Moors, 13, 14. 

Suerra, the Moorish name of Mogadore, 13. 

Taudenny (or Tudenny), a Moorish and 
Negro village, on the borders of the 
Desert, 49.—account of the salt-pits there, 
50.— its trade in that article, 121. 

Tombuctoo, or Tunbuctoo, its situation and 
extent, 24, 5.— animal, vegetable, and 
mineral productions of the surrounding 
country, 26-31.—observations on Adams’s 
description of these, 101-4.—dress,manners 
and customs of the natives, 32-6, 113, 18. 
—musical instruments, 37-—population of 
Tombuctoo, 38.—slaves, 39 .—articles of 
commerce, 41, 122.—climate, 42.—list of 
native wojds, 43.—information respecting 


Tombuetoo,by Mr. Dupuis, 94-7, etseqq .— 
its trade with Barbary declined of late 
years, 122 , 181.—occupied at an early 
period by the troops of the Emperors of 
Morocco, 177.—conjectures respecting the 
stream on which Adams describes it to 
stand, 187, 191*—information respecting 
its trade in 1764, 195. 

Wadinoon (or Wed-Noon ) described, 67 ;— 
cruel treatment of the Christian slaves at 
that place, 69 , 70, 145.—singular instance 
of bigotry and self-interest in regard to an 
English captive there, 147. 

Wed-Noon (see Wadinoon .) 

White men, curious relation respecting some 
seen at a place called Kanno, 69- 

Williams, one of the crew of the “ Charles,” 
renounces his religion, 74; escapes from 
Wed-Noon and finally restored to Chris¬ 
tianity, 149. 

Woollo , King of Tombuctoo, treats Adams 
kindly, 21 .—his dress, 22 ; conjectures re¬ 
specting him, 93. 

Vied Duleim (or Woled D’leim) a Douar in 
the Desert, account of it, 53.—description 
of the Arabs of that place, 131. 

Villa de Bousbach (or Woled Aboussebah), a 
Douar of that name in the Desert, 61 .— 
account of this tribe of Arabs, 135-7. 

Villa Adrialla (Woled Adrialla ?), another 
Douar, 62 . 

Ypa, (or Issa), the name given to the Niger 
by Marmol, and adopted by D’Anville, 100. 

I Zaire river, xxxix. 


London : Printed by W. Bulmer and Co, 
CJevelaiid-Row St, James’s, 












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